BENOY KUMAR SARKAR 22101530955 DR. RAJENDRALAL MITRA ( 1820—1890) DR. UDOYCHAND DUTT ( 1834—1884) U. RAY & SONS. THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE HINDUS Translated by various Sanskrit Scholars EDITED BY Major B. D. BASU, I.M.S. (Retired) YOL. XVI THE POSITIVE BACKGROUND OF HINDU SOCIOLOGY BOOK I. PUBLISHED BY SUDHINDRANATHA VASU FROM THE PANINI OFFICE, BHUVANESWARI ASRAMA, BAHADURGANJ BllababaO Printed by Apurva Krishna Bose at the Indian Press 1914 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 i https://archive.org/details/b2486304x THE POSITIVE BACKGROUND OP HINDU SOCIOLOGY BOOK I.—NON-POLITICAL. BY Prof. BENOY KUMAR SARKAR, M.A. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF EDUCATION, BENGAL, AUTHOR OF ‘ THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY AND THE HOPE OF MANKIND,’ ‘ INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF EDUCATION,’ ‘SANSKRIT TAUGHT WITHOUT GRAMMAR,’ &C., &C. WITH APPENDICES BY Dr. BRAJENDRANATH SEAL, M.A., Pri.D. KING GEORGE V, [PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP CALCUTTA. PUBLISHED BY THE PaNINI office, bhuvaneswari aSRAMA, bahadurganj Bllababafc Printed by Apurva Krishna Bose at the Indian Press 1914 Bps ^C\ I HISTORICAL, j \ MEDICAL j TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE ANTIQUARIAN AND ART-CRITIC. Dr. RAJENDRALALA MITRA, THE FIRST INDIAN SCHOLAR. AND THE FATHER OF THE NATIONAL SCHOOL OF INDIAN HISTORICAL RESEARCH AND iTHE LATE SCIENTIST. Dr. UDAY CHAND DUTT, THE PIONEER OF INVESTIGATIONS REGARDING THE C HEM [CO-MEDICAL AND MEDICO-BOTANICAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE HINDUS AND TO THE DISTINGUISHED SAVANT, Dr. BRAJENDRANATH SEAL, A LIVING ENCYCLOP/EDIA OF MODERN SCIENCES AND ORIENTAL Vtdya,, THE APOSTLE OF HINDU CULTURE. AND INSP1RER OF YOUNG INDIA IN PHILOSOPHICO-COMPARAT1VE STUDIES THIS SMALL TRIBUTE OF SINCERE APPRECIATION AND GENUINE REGARD IS MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THEIR HUMBLE ADMIRER, THE AUTHOR. ' ■ ' 1 * . ■ . 1 ' . ' .. - ■ ' ■■■:: ;.:■=£ '.iC ’ . • ■ ■ •'; iUU'IV. : CONTENTS. Foreword Bibliography BOOK I.—-NON-POLITIOAL. CHAPTER I. Relativity of the Nitisastras. Section 1. —Hindu Culture and Sociology in Sukraniti „ 2.—Landmarks in the History of Hindu Political Development „ 3.—Milestones in the History of Hindu Political Speculation (a) Artliasastra (b) Kamandaki Niti ... (c) Other works (d) Smriti SSstras ... (e) Traditional Abridgment of Nitisastras (f) Yuktikalpataru .. (g) Hindu Rajneet in Ayeen Akbari „ 4.—Unity and Diversity in Indian national life ,, 5.—Preliminary spade-work CHAPTER II.. The Data of Ancient Indian Geography. Section 1.—Sukraniti as a source of Geographical Information ... „ 2.—General Geographical Facts (a) The Quarters and Divisions of India ... Yavanas Beef and Fish Maternal Uncle’s Daughter... Wines ... Unchastity East Indian locale of Sukraniti (b) Other lands (c) Definite names (i) Simhala (ii) Gandaka (iii) Daksinatya ... (iv) Madhyadesa ... (v) Khasa „ 8.—General Aspect of the country (a) Hills ... (b) Rivers (c) Seas ... Pago. ... ix ... xix 1 3 7 8 9 9 11 12 14 15 16 18 19 22 23 26 26 27 27 28 29 29 31 32 32 33 34 36 SECTION 4.—Climate and Soils Page I. Meteorology... 37 Heavenly Bodies 38 The Sun 39 The Moon 39 The Atmosphere 41 The Clouds ... 42 The Seasons ... 48 11. Geology 45 „ 5.—Flora and Fauna 46 (1) Plants ... 47 (2) Animals 48 CHAPTER III. The Data of Ancient Indian Ethnology. Section 1.—Sukraniti as a source of Ethnological Information ... 49 „ 2.—The Races Yavanas 49 Khas'as 50 Mlechchhas 50 The Demi-gods 51 Forest Tribes 52 Aryas 52 „ 8.—Identification Yavanas 53 Mlechchhas 55 Aryas 56 Kiratas 67 Rak§asas and Pisachas 57 Asuras 58 CHAPTER IV. The Data of Anoient Indian Mineralogy. Section 1.—Sukraniti as the “ Architectonic ” Science 60 „ 2.—The Synthetic Philosophy of Sukracharyya 61 „ 3.—The Place of Mineralogy in Sukraniti 63 „ 4.—History of Hindu Mineralogy (o) Literature on Metals 64 I. Vedic Literature 67 II. Ayurvedic Literature 68 III. Tantric Literature 70 IV. Modern Literature 71 ( 5.—History of Hindu Mineralogy (contd.) (b) Literature on Gems 73 I. Vedic Period 73 II. Classical Period 74 III. Pala-Ckola or Tantric Period 75 IV. Modern Period 76 Page. Section 6.—General Remarks on Metallurgy in Hindu life and thought ... 77 Extent and Importance ... ... ... ... 77 Ornaments ... ... ... ... ... 79 Sukra on Mining and Metallurgy ... ... ... 81 Metals and Stones in Minor arts ... ... ■ ■■ 83 t, 7.—The Doctrine of Seven Metals ... ... ... ... 84 Vedic Period ... ... ... ... ... 85 Charaka-Susruta ... ... ... ... ... 86 The Doctrine of six Metals (contd.) ... ... ... 86 The 14th century ... ... ... ... ... 87 Subsequent Notions ... ... ... ... ... 88 Explanation of the number seven ... ... ... 89 „ 8.—The Economic Mineralogy of Sukracharyya’s India ... ... 90 (a) The Pure Metals ... ... ... ... 90 (i) Gold ... ... ... ... ... 91 Testing ... ... ... ... ... 91 As Wealth and Money... ... ... ... 92 Uses of Gold ... ... ... ... 93 The State in relation to Gold ... ... ... 94 Exchange-Value ... ... ... ... 94 (ii) Silver ... ... ... ... ... 96 (iii) Copper ... ... ... ... ... 97 (iv) Iron ... ... ... ... ... 99 (v) Tin ... ... ... ... ... 99 (vi) Lead ... ... ... ... ... 100 (vii) Zinc ... ... ... ... ... 101 (b) The Alloys ... ... ... ... ... 102 » 9.—General remarks on Gems in Sukraniti ... ... ... 102 „ 10.—The Doctrine of Nine Gems ... ... ... ... 107 (u) Vedic Literature... ... ... ... ... 109 (b) Ayurvedic Literature ... ... ... ... 109 (c) Varahamihira ... ... ... ... ... m (d) The Puranas ... ... ... ... ... H2 (e) Sripati, the Astronomer ... ... ... ... 112 (/) Subsequent Literature ... ... ... ... 113 (g) Recapitulation ... ... ... ... ... 114 „ 11.—The Economic Mineralogy of Sukracharyya’s India ... ... 115 The Maharatnas ... ... ... ... .. 115 (i) Vajra or Diamond ... ... ... ... 115 (ii) Mukta or Pearls ... ... ... ... 117 (iii) Manikya or Ruby ... ... ... ... 120 (iv) Paclii, Marakata, Garutmata or Emerald ... ... 120 (v) Indranila or Sapphire ... ... ... ... 121 (vi) Vaiduryya ... ... ... ... ... 121 (vii) Pusyaraga or Topaz ... ... ... ... 121 (viii) Gomeda ... ... ... ... ... 121 (ix) Pravala, Vidruma or Coral ... ... ... 122 Ii Page. Section 12.—Miscellaneous ... 122 1. Sulphur ... 122 2. Glass 124 8. Alkalies 125 4. Stones ... ... 126 CHAPTER V. The Data of Ancient Indian Botany. Section 1.—Sukraniti as a source of Botanical Information 130 „ 2.—Identification of the Sukra Flora • • • 130 (a) The Phalinah or Fruit-bearing Trees ... . • • 131 (b) The Aranyaka Trees ... 138 (c) Other Plants 141 „ 3.—The Locale of Sukraniti 144 1. ‘ Botanical Statistics ' applied to Sukraniti 144 2. Ecological Evidences ... 146 (a) Gujrat Flora and Sukra Flora 148 (/>) Bengal (Gangetic Plain) Flora and Sukra Flora 149 (c) South Indian Flora and Sukra Flora ... 150 (d) Indus Plain Flora and Sukra Flora ... 151 8. Literary Evidences 152 (a) Yedic Flora and Sukra Flora ... 153 (b) Charaka Flora and Sukra Flora ... 155 (c) Var&ha Flora and Sukra Flora 156 (d) Kalidasic Flora and Sukra Flora ... 159 4. Concluding Remarks ... 160 „ 4.—Forestry ... ... 161 (a) Non-Econoraic ... ... 161 (b) Economic ... 163 Uses of Plants ... 165 Wines 166 Plants in relation to other Kalas 167 (c) Administration ... 168 „ 5.—Horti-Flori-Arbori-culture 171 (a) Sukracharyya on Practical Gardening 172 (b) Varahamihira on Ecology ... 173 (c) Sukra versus Varaha ... ... 174 (d) Hindu Phyto-pathology ... 176 (c) The Luther Burbank of Hindu India ... 177 (/) Botany in Fine Arts ... ... 179 „ 6.—Agriculture (u) Agricultural Occupation, Population and Tenure 180 (b) The Crops 182 (i) The Cereals* ... 184 Vrihi ... 184 Godhuma 184 Yava ... ... 185 * The arrangement and marking of topics on pp. 184-186'should he corrected and read as given here. Page, (ii) The Pulses* ... 185 Saktu ... 185 (iii) Oil-seeds* ... 185 Tila ... 186 (iv) Other Plants* ... 186 (o) Sugarcanes ... ... 186 (b) Bamboos ... 186 (c) Tula or Cotton ... ... 186 (d) Arka ... 187 (e) Indigo ... 187 (/) Betel ... 187 (g) Ganaa ... 188 (h) Lotus ... 188 (i) Citron ... 188 (/) Rati (Abrus precatorius) ... 188 Section 7.—Botany as Science ... 189 „ 8.—Preliminary Survey of Hindu Botany ... 190 1. Lines of Inquiry ... 190 2. The so-called “ Indian Botany ’’ of to-day ... ... 193 3. Summary of Researches in Hindu Botany ... ... 197 (a) Gondal ... ... 197 (b) Dr. Sen ... 199 (c) Prof. Chatterji ... 200 (d) Other Scholars ... 206 APPENDIX A. (e) Dr. Seal ... 206 4. Concluding Remarks ... ... 207 CHAPTER VI. The Data of Ancient Indian Zoology. Section 1.—The Secular Sciences of the Hindus ... 208 „ 2.—The Alleged Decline of Hindu Intellect ... ... 209 „ 3.—The Zoological Lore of the Hindus ... 213 (a) Brief Survey of Zoology in Europe ... ... ... 213 (b) Vedie Fauna ... 215 (c) Maurya Fauna ... ... 217 (d) The Fauna in Hindu Folklore ... ... 219 (e) The Sacred Fauna ... 221 (/) The Fauna in Hindu Art ... ... 224 (g) Varahamihiran Fauna ... ... 230 (H) Ayurvedic Fauna ... ... 231 (i) Fauna in Veterinary Literature ... 235 (A1 Palakapya or the Science of Elephants ... 235 (B) Salihotra or the Science of Horses ... ... 238 ♦The arrangement and marking of topics on pp. 184-186 should be corrected and read as given here. APPENDIX B. (j) Zoological Taxonomy of the Hindus,.. ... ... 241 Section 4.—The Sukra Fauna ... 241 11 5.—Mammals in Sukraniti (a) Primates ... ... 245 (b) Carnivora 247 (c) Rodentia 247 (d) Ungulata 247 (e) Cetacea ... ... 250 11 6.—Aves in Sukraniti (a) Passeres ... 250 (b) Coccyges 250 (c) Psittaci 250 (d) Accipitres 251 (e) Columbae ... 251 (/) Gallinse ... 251 (q) Grallse 252 (h) Anserees ... ... ... 252 11 7.—Reptiles in Sukraniti (a) Emydosauria ... ... ... ... 252 (b) Chelonia ... ... 253 (c) Squamata ... 253 11 8.—Pisces in Sukraniti ... ... 255 11 9.—Invertebrates in Sukraniti ... 255 11 10.—Agricultural Live-stock in Sukraniti ... 256 11 11.—Economic Zoology in Sukraniti 259 11 12.—The Animal-Corps in Sukraniti ... ... ... ... 262 11 13.— Horses (a) External Anatomy ... ... 265 (b) Mettle and worth ... 265 (c) Omens 267 (d) Breeds ... 270 (e) Training and Management ... 272 (/) Grooming 274 (g) Forage ... 275 (h) Rules about Exercise ... 276 (i) Art of Training 277 (j) Stables and Trappings ... ... ... 279 11 14.—Elephants (a) Mettle and worth 280 (b) Omens ... 282 (c) Breeds 282 (d) Training and Management 286 11 15.—Camels and Bulls .„ ,,, •If •It ... 287 Suction 10. —The Anatomy of the Vertebrates (a) Hindu Literature on Human Anatomy 1. The Nervous System of the Tantras 2. Osteology 3. Varahamihira APPENDIX C. 4. Dr. Seal on Hindu Physiology and Biology (b) The Scientific Value of Hindu Anatomy (c) Propagation of anatomical knowledge in Hindu India (d) Human Anatomy in Sukraniti (e) External Anatomy of Horses, Elephants, &c. ... (i) Heights ... (ii) Lengths ... (iii) Circumferences (iv) Distances, breadth, &c. (/) Dentition and Age of Animals „ 17.—Organisation of Veterinary Department in the Sukra Polity APPENDICES BY Dr. SEAL. B C A. Hindu Ideas about Plants and Plant Life Section 1.—Classification of Plants „ 2.—Elementary Ideas of Plant Physiology Hindu Classification of Animals Section 1.—Classification of Animals „ 2.—Re-capitulation Hindu Physiology and Biology Section 1.—Metabolism „ 2.—Circulatory System ... „ 3.—The Nervous System in Charaka... >. 4.— „ „ after the Tantras „ 5.—Ganglionic Centres and Plexuses „ 6.—Nerve Cords and Fibres >, 7.—Automatic and Reflex Activity of the Organism „ 8.—Foetal Development ... „ 9.—Heredity „ 10.—The Sex question ,, 11.—Life D. Hindu Mechanics Section 1.—Annalysis of Motion ... „ 2.—Motion considered in relation to its causes „ 3.—Cause of Motion „ 4.—Motion of Fluids „ 5.—Motion ascribed to adri$ta „ 6.—Measurement of Motion „ 7.—Notion of there axes ... „ 8.—Relative Motion „ 9.—Serial Motion Page. 289 289 293 296 296 296 298 301 301 302 302 302 303 303 305 315 315 316 318 318 325 329 329 331 336 337 337 340 341 313 343 345 340 349 349 350 352 350 356 357 358 358 358 Vlll Pag©. Hindu Acoustics ... ... 359 Section 1.—Analysis of Sound ... 359 f„ 2.— „ „ Vibratory Motion ... ... ... 361 ,, 3.—Echo ... 362 „ 4.—Pitch, intensity and timbre ... ... 363 „ 5.—Musical Sound ... 364 „ 6.—The Notes of the Diatonic Scale... ... ... 364 „ 7.—Musical intervals ... ... 365 FOREWORD. The present volume is a part of ‘ The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology' which is meant to be the Introduction to my English translation of the Sanskrit work on Sociology entitled Sukraniti, published as Volume XIII of the ‘ Sacred Books of the Hindus ’ Series. " The Positive Background ’’ will be divided into two books: (i) Non-Political and (2) Political. Besides the six chapters presented in this volume, Book I (Non-Political) will comprise:— Chapter VII.—The Data of ancient Indian Art (Architecture, Sculpture and Painting). Chapter VIII.—The Data of ancient Indian morals and manners (includ- ing socio-religious rites and institutions). Chapter IX.—The Data of ancient Indian Pedagogy (including vidyds, kalfis, and literature). Chapter X.—The Data of ancient Indian Economics (including Statistics of Prices, Wages, &c.). Book II (Political) will comprise the following:— Chapter I.—The Data of ancient Indian Polity or Constitution, i,e„ form of Government (including the Theory of the Rastra or State). Chapter II.—The Data of ancient Indian Public Finance. Chapter III.—The Data of ancient Indian Jurisprudence. Chapter IV. —The Data of ancient Indian International Law (the Doctrine of mandala as influencing the conceptions regarding ‘ spheres of influence’ and ‘spheres of interest ’). The work is based mainly on an analytical study of Sukracharyya’s code, so that the Data of Hindu Sociology collected here reflect strictly those phases of Indian national evolution which have influenced the authors of the Sukra cycle. This ‘ Positive Background,’ therefore, is more or less a statical picture, and represents only such landmarks in the culture-history of the Hindus as are embodied in the single document Sukraniti. It must not be regarded as the result of any attempt to delineate the dynamical processes of the historic growth of Hindu civilisation or represent the several stages in the making of modern Indian life and thought. Recent works of this class are Principal Iyengar’s Life in Ancient India in the Age'of Mantras, and Mr. Narendranath Law’s Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity (based on the Ar/hasastra of Kautiiya). There are, however, a few historical sections and sub-sections in the ‘Positive Background.” These should not, on the one hand, be looked upon as recording the characteristics of the various cultural landmarks of Indian history; nor, on the other, be regarded as wholly superfluous digressions uncalled for in the Introduction to Sukraniti. These historical sections have been necessary for two reasons. In the first place, the Code of Sukracharyya as well as the Data of Hindu life portrayed in it could not be presented in their proper perspective and their date as well as locale could not be ascertained unless Indian literature were studied chronologically as well as comparatively. In this respect the author feels that he has not been able to rise to the height of the occasion ; for, as has been often stated with regret in the body of the book, he has had to ignore not only the Tamil, Prakrit, and vernacular evidences, but he has not even been able to utilise the more important documents of Sanskrit literature, not to speak of the un- published manuscripts, telegraphic descriptions of which are to be found in Prof. Aufrecht’s Catalogus Catalogorum. In the second place, for a proper appreciation of the Hindu achievements in science, abstract or applied, it is indispensable to have always before one’s mind’s eye the landmarks in the history of western science. Much of the prevalent notions regarding the alleged inferiority of the Hindu genius in grappling with the problems of this mundane sphere and the extra-proneness of the Indian mind to metaphysical and unpractical speculations can vanish and be proved to be the results of mal-observation and non-observation leading “to half-truths which are really whole errors,”—only if we apply the Historico-Comparative method in studying Indian facts and phenomena. For all Indologists should remember that the wonderful achievements of the western nations are strictly speaking only a century old. So that if, while instituting a comparison between Hindu and Occid- ental cultures on the score of physical ‘sciences ’ properly so-called and applied arts and industries, care were taken to eliminate from one’s consideration the triumphs and discoveries of the last few generations, the Hindu scientific intellect would be found to have been in no way lagging behind. The sole corrective of false notions about Hindu civilisation is this “sense of historic perspective, ” which for the preseut generation of Indian scholars should be tantamount to a thorough familiarity with the history of European thought. This brings me to an explanation of the title of the work. The Introduc- tion to Sukraniti has been called k The Positive Background of Hindu Socio- logy,’ because Sukraniti as a Nitisastra, Arthasastra, Dharmasas/ra, or Dharmci- sutra deals mainly with the topics implied by such Hindu categories as Dharma (morals), Artha (interests,) and Kama (desires and passions) as opposed to Moksa or Salvation ; and hence a study in Sukraniti should properly be a study in the non-moksa or non-transcendental and non-spiritual, i.e., the secular, worldly and 1 positive ’ elements of Hindu social economy. The transcendental and other-worldly aspects of Hindu life and thought have been made too much of. It has been supposed, proved and believed during the last century that Hindu civilisation is essentially non-industrial, and non-political, if not pre-industrial and pre-political, and that its sole feature is ultra-asceticism and over-religiosity which delight in condemning the ‘ World, the Flesh and the Devil ’! Nothing can be farther from the truth. The Hindu has no doubt always placed the transcendental in the foreground of his life’s scheme, but the Positive Background he has never forgotten or ignored. Rather it is in and through the positive, the secular, and the material that the transcendental, the spiritual and the metaphysical have been allowed to display themselves in Indian culture-history. The Upanisads, the Vedanta, and the Gita were not the works of imbeciles and weaklings brought up in an asylum of incapables and a hospital of incurables. The Hindu has never been a ‘ scorner of the ground ’ but always ‘true to the kindred points of heaven and home,’ has been solicitous to enjoy the good things of this earthly earth and beautify this ‘ orb of green.' The literature, fine arts, religious consciousness, industrial life, political organi- sation, educational system, social economy, etc., of the Hindus—all have sought to realise this synthesis and harmony between the eternal antitheses and polarities of the universe: the worldly and other-worldly, the positive and transcendental, the many and the one, the Form and Spirit, Culture and Faith, Science and Religion, Caste disunions and Vedantic Oneness, Image-worship and the realisation of the Infinite {Brahma). In the newly-published SadhancV of Rabindranath Tagore we have a collection of prose-lyrics, half-poetic and half-philosophic, dealing with this synthesis of world’s eternal opposites cr dualities. The papers on the Problem of Evil, Realisation in Love, Realisation in Action, Realisation of Beauty, in this volume of metaphysical essays in ‘poet’s prose’ bring out the Hindu ideal of harmony between the Finite and the Infinite, Bondage and Freedom, Necessity or Law and Joy. “The Immortal being manifests himself in joy-form ” “ The joy which is without form, must create, must translate itself into forms.” (P. 104.) It is this ideal, again, that is at once the inspiration and message of most of Tagore’s Poetry, which thus carries forward the transcendentalised positivism of the makers of Hindu civilisation through the ages “along fresh fields and pastures new” cr modern Bengali thought. The philosophy of reconciliation between the so-called Evil and Good, the Form and Spirit, Caste and Vedanta, Image and the Infinite has thus uttered itself in mystical Bengali verse : q3 Tin WT, jtpw i srtfta 3 qr| tftar* fafcs SfolT f3 HPffi 5T?T 11” This ideal of realising the Infinite in the Finite, the transcendental m the positive, manifested itself also in the educational system of Hindu India. Macmillan & Co. The following is reproduced from my Bengali essay read at a Bengal Literary Conference about two years and a half ago translated subsequently for the 1 Col- legian’ as Pedagogy of the Hindus : “ Was that system essentially monastic and ascetic, and did it kill all secular and social instincts of the learners ? Did the Brahmacharis come out from the preceptors’ homes merely as monks, missionaries and sanyasis? Could they not satisfy the diverse material wants of man? Did they not know how to provide for the necessaries, comforts and decencies of life ? Was the education absolutely non-political ? Did not the students learn how to help in the administration of the state ? Were not social and political sciences, plant- life and dissection of animals, physical phenomena and chemical manipulations among the courses of instruction ? * * * “ How else can we account for the remarkable progress of the nation in architecture, sculpture, medicine, dyeing, weaving, shipping, navigation, military tactics and implements and all such aspects of socio-economic and economico- political life as have to depend on the help of physical and natural sciences? * * * The graduates trained up under the “ Domestic System ” were com- petent enough to found and.administer states, undertake industrial and commer- cial enterprises; they were builders of empires and organisers of business concerns. It was because of this all-round and manly culture that the people of India could organise vast schemes of colonisation and conquest, and not content with being simply confined within the limits of mother India, could build up a Greater India beyond the seas, and spread culture, religion and humanity among the subject races. * * * “ It was under the influence of this system of education, again, that the ideal Hindu king “protected himself, but not through fear; followed the dictates of religion, but not through remorse; realised revenues, but not through greed, and enjoyed happiness, but not through attachment * * * That system certainly cannot be dismissed as inexpansive, inert and unfit to survive that could produce Risis from Vasistha and Viswamitra to Ram Prasada and Ramkrisna Paramhamsa, scholars from Charaka, Panini and Chanakya to Chandra Kanta Tarkalankara—a race of eminent women from Maitreyi to Ahalya Bai and Rani Bhavani, monarchs from Chandragupta Maurya to Sivaji, and has continuously kept up the genial stream of national culture and civilisation through diverse forms and agencies by giving rise to hosts of thinkers and actors capable of solving different problems in different ages.” It is because the secular achievements of Hindu civilisation have not been accorded by scholars the attention they deserve, and a proper estimate of the Positive Background of Hindu socio-economic and socio-political life has not been framed, that the distorted picture of a race of metaphysicians, airy philoso- phers, and transcendental speculators has been drawn regarding Indian people to excite the pity of the go-ahead pushing Occident and pander to the foolish, unthinking vanity of the present day fallen orient. The Upanisads, the Vedanta, the Bhakti Sastras, the Darsanas, the Gita, and the whole body of Hindu trans- cendental literature in which people may find the ‘solace of their life’ as well as the 'solace of their death,’ cannot, however, be fully appreciated and interpreted in the true light until and unless we bring to bear upon them the results of investigations regarding the social, economic, political, international and other human institutions and ideals, in the midst of which this literature has flourished and that have actually governed the life and activity of the Hindus. This mass of metaphysical lore requires, in fact, to be regarded as the “ criticism,” as Matthew Arnold would say, of Indian “ life ” and its problems and achievements. The transcendental speculation has to be understood and explained with refer- ence to the milieu and environment according to the philosophico-comparative methods followed in the Schools of Literary Studies founded by such critics as Taine, Edmond Scherer, Sainte Beuve and Dowden. This should really be looked upon not as the sole but only as one of the various features in the organic growth and historic evolution of Indian literature, institutions, civics, arts and industries. The principal correctives of the one-sided, partial and erroneous view about Hindu life and ideals, in addition to what we have already stated, are thus two: —(i) a more searching and detailed inquiry into the economic, political and art history of India, and (2) a study, according to the canons of scientific literary criticism, of the whole literature of Hindusthan, Sanskritic, and Dravi- dian, Prakrit and vernacular, in both its metaphysical and secular branches. So far as the secular branches of Sanskrit literature are concerned, it would not be too much to remark that the adequate parallax for modifying and correcting the false notions about Hindu genius can be supplied if the Kdvyas, /Valyas, Katiias, Purdnas, Tantras, Iti/idsas, Vdstuvidyas, Silpasastras, Arlhasastras, Nitisastras, Dharma-sutras and Smritis were critically investi- gated as documents of Indian historico-sociological development. These alone cannot fail to impress upon the inquirer to what great extent the eternal verities of the universe and the highest problems of life enunciated and discussed in the Darsanas, Upanisads, Gita, &c, have influenced and governed the ordinary pursuits of human life in India, and embodied in its thousand and one rites, usages, institutions and festivals; to what enormous proportions the transcend- ental culture-lore of the Hindus has been humanised, secularised, and popularised by being translated and adapted into the common-place folk-lore— to what depth the Hindu ideal of realising the one in the many, the Infinite in the Finite, the Ideal in the Real, the Transcendental in the Positive, has been done into the actual life and work of the people. It will be evident to every close student of this literature that the synthesis of world’s permanent polarities has been concretely demonstrated and manifested in the ever-moving gradations of the social polity known as Varnasrama, the Hymeneal rites and marriage rules, the Joint Family, the Cottage Industry, the autonomous system of co-operative village commonwealths, the Achdryyakulas, the Parisa/s, the clastic theological apparatus and religious paraphernalia, the institution of kingship, and the doctrine of mcindala or sphere of international activity that constitute the complex web of Indian life. To take only one instance—the Raghuvamsam of Kalidasa, the immortal epic of Hindu India. It is impossible to study it from cover to cover without noticing how powerfully the greatest poet of Hindusthan has sought to depict this Hindu ideal of synthesis and harmony between the positive and the transcendental, the »k»t (Enjoyment) and the c^jpi (Renunciation). Raghuvamsam is the embodiment of Hindu India in the same sense that Paradise Lost is the embodiment of Puritan England. The grand ambitions of the Vikramadityan era, its colossal energies, its thorough mastery over the things of this world, its all-round economic prosperity and brilliant political position, its Alexandrian sweep, its proud and stately outlook, its vigorous and robust taste are all graphically painted in this national epic, together with the “ devotion to something afar from the sphere of our sorrow,” * the light that never was on sea or land,’ the sanyasa, vairagya, ahimsa, yoga, preparation for the other world, the idea of nothingness of this world and the desire for mukti or perpetual freedom from bondage. This antithesis, polarity or duality has not, however, been revealed to us as a hotchpotch of hurly-burly and pell-mell conflicts and struggles, but presented in a serene, sober and well-adjusted system of harmony and synthesis which gives the World, the Flesh and the Devil ” their due, which recognises the importance and dignity of the secular, the worldly and the positive, and which establishes the transcendental, not to the exclusion oj, but only above as well as in and through the civic, social, and economic achievements. The greatest example of the Hindu ideal of synthesis, and hence of world’s highest ideal, is to be found in the picture where Kalidasa beggars his hero, the Indian Napoleon, the conqueror of the four quarters, at the end of his proud digvijaya and * triumph ’ by making him perform the viswajit sacrifice, which necessitates the giving away of the whole of his earthly belongings ( firnfa*) Truly, the greatest artist of Hindusthan has sung of the Synthetic Ideal of the One in the Many, the Infinite in the Finite, the Transcendental in the Positive (gre sns) osint sMNifirtra'q:) as the sole motto of the House of Raghu 11 sraf# 11 grsMr gftfrfrci wrrI ii ( tev ) The same Vikramadityan grasp of this mundane sphere, the same vigour in attacking the problems of secular life, the same human, practical and positive outlook, the same solicitude for the discharge of the ‘ lowliest duties ’ that characterise the heroes of Kalidasa whose natural ambition was no meaner than that of swaying not only the lithosphere from sea to sea, but also the atmosphere and the skies ( ), confront us at every step throughout the Smiiti, Niti, Artha, Silpa and Vastu Literature. The Lectures of Professor Sukra, the Doctor of Social Philosophy and Legislation, to his disciples, the Asuras and Daityas, constitute one of the most important documents of this literature ; and, as such, socio-economically and economico-politically illustrate the Kalidasic ideal of harmony between the positive and the transcendental or realisation of the transcendental in and through the positive. Strictly speaking, the position of Sukraniti in this literature is unique and unparalleled. It is, in the first place, a manual of guidance to kings and states- men, as well as the Bible of the demos—at once the work of a Machiavelli and a Rousseau. In the second place, it is a handbook of economics, politics, ethics, and what not. Yajnavalkya Smriti will ever command reverence as a text-book of Jurisprudence, Manu Samhita, because of the sanctity and age associated with the name of Manu, the first law-giver. So also the Arthasastra of Kautilya, the Finance Minister of Chandragupta Maurya, the first Empire-builder in Hin- dusthan, must ever be looked up to by the historian as a contemporary Statute- Book or Imperial Gazetteer of India in one of the first epochs of her political consciousness, and as the handiwork of one of the world’s most powerful statesmen of historic authenticity. But all these venerable documents of Hindu Positive literature cannot compare in comprehensiveness and encyclopaedic character with the Nitisastra of the Professors of the Sukra cycle in the form in which we have it to-day. And comparatively modern though Sukraniti is, it is inevitable that Kantandaki Niti, the abridgment of Kautilya’s masterpiece, should pale into insignificance before it. For the whole culture of Hindu India, its methodology and its achievements have been really compressed into Sukraniti and have contributed to its making. For the moderners it is of inestimable value as “ lifting the brain-cap ” of mediaeval India and letting them “ see the thoughts” that were moving in her educated mind. As a text-book of Sociology, the Nitisastra of SukrachSryya is thus the Spencerian “ Synthetic philosophy ” of Sanskrit literature. The study of Sukraniti is for all these reasons really a study of Hindu Positivism, the human, secular and worldly elements in Hindu national life and culture, the place of earthly things, Samsara, Vasana, Bhoga, desires, passions and attachments in the Hindu scheme of human existence —in short, a study of the positive background and foundations of Hindu Sociology, as opposed to its transcendental foreground and superstructure. This work is humbly dedicated to three great masters of modern India who may be looked upon as pioneers in the study of the secular achievements of Hindu culture. The celebrated archaeologist and historian, Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, is undoubtedly the first Indian ' scholar.’ And yet the comprehensive grasp, erudition and industry which mark the researches embodied in his Indo-Aryans, Antiquities of Orissa and other writings in Journals, remain probably unsur- passed even now, It is to Dr. Mitra, the father of the National School of Indology and Indian historical scholarship, that every student of the positive branches of Hindu civilisation must begin by paying homage. The scholar who, likewise, first brought to light the contributions of the Hindus in physical science is Dr. Udaychand Dutt. It is his researches in Hindu medicine, chemistry, and botany, that have paved the way for subsequent workers in the same field. And the monographs of Dr. Brajendranath Seal (by securing whose services as King George V. Professor of Philosophy the Calcutta University has only honoured itself) on the Physical, Chemical, and Mechanical Theories of the Hindus as well as their Scientific Methodology" (published along with Dr. Roy’s History of Hindu Chemistry), have done more than any other work to establish philosophically the claims of Hindus as having contributed to world’s scientific concepts, categories, and discoveries. It has been the special mission of Dr. Seal to demonstrate by the historico- comparative method that the Hindu explorers of the physical universe were not mere empirics who, by stretches of brilliant imagination or sage-like intuition, unconsciously hit upon some of the mysteries of Nature. Nor were they merely craftsmen, alchemists, industrialists, &c.( engaged in practical agriculture and manufacture without any knowledge of the general prin- ciples and theories, but real scientists, researchers and investigators, who knew how to manipulate the machinery and logic of ‘ exact ’ science and patiently awaited the results of their observation and experiment. Thus, as Dr. Seal remarks “ Let us not superciliously dismiss these studies as ‘ learned lumber.’ The astronomy and mathematics were not less advanced than those of Tycho Brahe, Cardan, and Fermat, the anatomy was equal to that of Vesalius, the Hindu logic and methodology were more advanced than that of Ramus and equal on the whole to Bacon’s ; the physico-chemical theories as to combustion, heat, chemical affinity, clearer, more rational and more original than those of Van Helmont or Stahl, and the Grammar, whether of Sanskrit or Prakrit, the most scientific and comprehensive in the world before Bopp, Risk and Grimm.” (Quoted by Dr. P. C. Roy in the Preface to the Second Edition of Hindu Chemistry, Vol. I). There are many scholars from whose writings or discussions with whom I have derived direct or indirect help and suggestions. I should specially men- tion Mr. Haridasa Pal it, Research Scholar, District Council of National Educa- tion, Malda, Prof. R&dhakamal Mookerji, M. A., Krishnath College, Berhampore (Bengal), Kumar Narendra Nath Law, M.A., B.L., Research Scholar and author, Calcutta, Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Tibetan traveller and Chinese scholar (Darjeeling), Major B. D. Basu, I.M.S. (Retired), versatile scholar and linguist and learned editor of the * Sacred Books of the Hindus Series,’ Mr. Nanda Lai Sinha, M.A.B.L., of the Provincial Civil Service (Behar), Pandits Yogendra Nath Tarka-Samkhya-Vedantatir/ha and Vidhu Sekhara Sastri, the well-known Pali Scholar, Mr. Aksaya Kumar Maitra, B.L., Director, Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, Rai Bahadur Sris Chandra Vasu, the indefatigable Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian Scholar, and my friend and colleague at the Bengal National College, Calcutta, Prof. Radhakumud Mookerji, M.A., Premchand Roychand Scholar. I have to acknowledge also my deep debt of gratitude to Dr. Seal for his kindly allowing me to incorporate with this work a few chapters of his learned monographs on the physical sciences and scientific notions of the Hindus. It is superfluous to add that his papers on Hindu ideas about plants and plant-life, Hindu classification of animals, Hindu ideas about Nervous System, Heredity, Vital Force, &c., Hindu Mechanics and Hindu Acoustics, which are being first published through the medium of this work, have consider- ably added to its value and importance. The humble author begs to add that this has been the only means of rescuing precious treasures from the ravages of time and moths, which, thanks to the habits of the learned Doctor, have been often allowed to work havoc upon what would have been epoch-making studies in ancient Hindu culture that have thus been lost to the world for good. Books quoted from or summarised for this work have been mentioned in the footnotes, as well as tabulated in the Bibliography. It may not, however, be out of place to state that several vernacular works and periodicals have been largely drawn upon, and that the following works have been of constant service: Prof. Aufrecht’s Catalogus Catalogorum, Dr. Mitra’s Indo-Aryans, Dr. Ray’s Hindu Chemistry, Ram Raz’s Essay on the Architecture of the Hindus, Vincent Smith’s Fine Art in India and Ceylon, Sir Bhandarkar’s Peep into the Early History of India, the Sanskrit Ms. Yuklikalpatatu, Iyer’s Brihat Samhita, Mookerji’s Indian Shipping and Krishnaswamy Aiyangar’s Ancient India, of which the chapter devoted to Chola history and administration must be of more than ordinary interest to students of early mediaeval Indian life. The libraries to which I am indebted are the National Council of Education Library at Calcutta, the Public Library at Allahabad and the Library of the Panini Office which is specially rich in works on Indian antiquities, Sanskrit literature and modern science. Finally, it remains to add that portions of this work were published as Magazine articles in the Modern Review (Calcutta), Indian Review (Madras), Collegian (Calcutta), Hinduslhan Review (Allahabad), Dacca Review (Dacca), Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta) and Leader (Allahabad). Panini Office (Academy of Indian Research) : BENOY KUMAR SARKAR. Allahabad. March 12, 1914. ■ivx ... i . ... I - • : .. ■- . . . . . . . ■ - : ' , . . ,.j. ■> ■ S’A\ .-a. ' BIBLIOGRAPHY. Ainslie, Dr. Aiyangar Aufrecht, Prof. Baden Powell ... Bagshot Banerjea, Rev. K. M. Banerji, R£kh&ldasa Basu, Major B. D. Bkandarkar, Sir Ram Krishna. Bhao Daji Bhoja Birdwood, Sir George Buhler Burd Burns Carver, Prof. .. Chakravarti, Mukundarama Chakravarti, Manomohan Chanda, Ramaprasada Materia Medica (Longmans, London, 1820). Ancient India (1911). Catalogus Catalogorum. Punjab Manufactures (Lahore, 1872). (1) Physics and Politics (1896). (2) Economic Studies (1895). (3) English Constitution. The Arian Witness (Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1875). Memoir on the Palas of Bengal (J. A. S. B., in galley-proofs). (1) The Study of Indigenous Drugs (articles in the Indian Medical Gazette, July 1891 and August 1892). (2) Anatomy of the Tantras, The Theosophist, March 1888. (3) Prize Essay on Hindu Medicine, Guy's Hospital Gazette, March 1889. (4) Indigenous Medicine, Modern Review, March 1914. (1) A Peep into the Early History of India in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. LYI, Vol. XX, 1900. (2) The Early History of the Dekkan. Papers on the Sanscrit poet Kalidasa (Read 11th October, 1800). Published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, January 1801. Yuktikalpataru (Sanskrit manuscript in Panini Office Library, Allahabad). Paris Universal Exhibition of 1878 (Handbook to British Indian Section). (1) The Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part T, in the Sacred Books of the East Series (Oxford, 1879). (2) The Laws of Manu (Oxford ,1886). Machiavelli (Oxford University Press). Monograph on Gold and Silver work in the Bombay Presidency (1904). Sociology and Social Progress (1906). Kavi Kankana Chandi, Bengali Poem of the 17th cent. (Indian Press, Allahabad). (1) Memoir on the Animals in the Inscriptions of Piyadasi (J. A. S. B.) (2) Notes on the Geography of Old Bengal (J. A. S. B.) Gauda Rajamala (Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, Ben- gal, .1911), Chatterji, Prof. B h i m Chandra. Coomaraswamv, Dr. A. K... Crosthwaite ... Cunningham ... Dampier De, Harinath ... Dey, Dr. Kannylall Dey, Nandalal... Dobbs Dowden, Dr. ... The Economic Botany of India (District Council of National Education, Malda, 1910). (1) Selected Examples of Indian art. (2) Indian Drawings. Monograph on Stone Carving in the United Provinces (1906). The Ancient Geography of India (1871). Monograph on the Brass and Copper wares of the North- Western Provinces and Oudh (1894). Introduction in English to the Bengali work on Kalidasa, by Rajendranath Vidyabliushana (Calcutta, 1908). Indigenous Drugs of India, Second Edition (Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1890). The Ancient Geography of India (Newman & Co., Calcutta). Monograph on the Pottery and Glass Industries of the North- Western Provinces and Oudh (1896). A History of French Literature, Edited by Edmund Gosse (1897). Dunning, Prof.... Dutt, Dr. Udoy Cliand Dymock Encyclopsedia Britannica, Evans Fitzwygram ... Fausboll Ganguly, Manomohan Gazetteers Gladwin Gondal, Thakore Sahib of . .. Political Theories (Macmillan, 1905), two volumes. ,. Materia Medica of the Hindus (Revised Edition, 1900). .. The Vegetable Materia Medica of Western India (Triibner & Co., London, 1885). 11th Edition Vols. 11, 18, 28. Elephants and their Diseases (Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1910). . Horses and Stables (Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1911). ,. Indian Mythology (Luzac & Co.). .. Orissa and her Remains. ,. The Botanical Volume of the Bombay Gazetteer. The Imperial Gazetteer of India. Volumes on the Indian Em- pire. .. Abul Fazl’s Ayeen Akbari (1786, Calcutta) in three volumes. .. History of Aryan Medical Science (Macmillan & Co., London, 1896). Greene Griffith Grunwedel Gupta, Kaviraja Biraj a- charan. Gupta, Umeschandra Harwood Ha veil Landmarks of Botanical History (Published by the Smith- sonian Institution, Washington, U. S. A., 1909). Specimens from Old Indian Poetry (Panini Office, Allahabad). Buddhist Art in India. Vanausadhi Darpana (S. C. Auddy & Co., Calcutta, 1908). Aswavaidyaka of Jayadatta and Aswachikitsita of Nakula in the Bibliotheca Indica (Calcutta, 1887). New Creations in Plant-life (Macmillan & Co., 1905). (1) Indian Sculpture and Painting (Murray, London, 1908). (2) Indian Architecture (1913). Hayes Hoernle Dr. ... Holland Hooker and Thomson Horrwitz Iyer, Chidambram Iyengar, Principal, Srini- vasa. Jayaswal, K. P.... Jhalakikar Jolly Journals Jowett Keynes, Dr. Kunte, Dr. Anna Moreswar Law, Narendranath Macdonell Macdonell and Keith Mackenzie Madanap&la ... Maffey Maitra, Akshaya Kumar ... Training and Horse Management in India (Longmans Green and Co., London, 1905). (1) The Bower Manuscript, Vols. I—VII (Archaeological Survey of India, 1893-97). (2) Medicine of Ancient India, Part I, Osteology (Oxford, 1907). Review of the Mineral Production of India during the years 1898-1908 in Records of the Geological Survey of India, (1905). Flora Indica: Introductory Essay (Pamplin, London, 1855). Short History of Indian Literature (Unwin, London, 1907). Brihat Samhita of Varahamihira (507-87 A.D.), printed at the South Indian Press (1884). Life in Ancient India in the Age of Mantras (1912, Srinivas Varadachari, Madras). Articles in the Modern Review (1913). Amarakosha (Government Central Book Depot, Bombay). (1) Institutes of Vishnu in the Sacred Books of the East Series (Oxford, 1880). (2) The Minor Law Books in the Sacred Books of the East Series (Oxford,) Part I (1889). Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bangiya Sahitya Parisat (Calcutta), Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bharatj, Grihastha, Pravasi, Sahitya (Calcutta). Modern Review, Indian Medical Gazette (Calcutta). Guy’s Hospital Gazette (London), Hindusthan Review (Allaha- bad), Siddhanta Dipika (Madras), Indian Review (Madras) The Republic of Plato (Oxford University Press, 1888). The Scope and Method of Political Economy (Third Edi- tion, 1904). Astangahridayam of Vagbhata (Bombay, 1880). (1) Articles in the Modern Review (1911-1912). (2) Studies in Hindu Polity, based on the Arthasastra of Kautilya (Longmans, London, 1914), dummy copy. (1) Sanskrit Literature, (2) Vedic Mythology. Vedic Index, two volumes (1912). The 19th Century, (Fourteenth Edition, Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1893). Nighantu, Sanskrit Medical work. (Edited by Pandit Jiva- nanda Vidyasagara (Calcutta). Monograph on Wood carving (U. P., 1903). (1) GaudalekhamaKi (Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, Bengal (1911). (2) Articles in the Modern Review, Sahitya and other Bengali periodicals. Majumdar, Bijay Chandra, Mallet Marshall, Prof. Maxmuller Mehta, Dr. Sumant Mitra, Dr. RSjendralala ... Montesquieu ... Mookerji, Prof. Radhakunnul. Mookerji, Prof. Radhakamal More Muir Narahari, Pandit Newbigin, Dr. ... Oldenberg Oppert, Gustavus Palit, Haridasa .. Pargiter Pepper Price RSm Raz Ranade, M. G. ... Ray, Prof. Yogeschandra Ray, Dr.Prafullachandra... Character and origin of the Purfinas in the Modern Review, Yol. XI. A manual of the Geology of India, Part IV, Mineralogy (1887). Principles of Economics. A History of Sanskrit Literature (Reprinted by the Panini Office, Allahabad, 1912). The Ayurvedic System of Medicine (Navsari, Bombay, 1913). (1) Indo-Aryans, two volumes (Edward Stanford, London, 1881). (2) The Antiquities of Orissa. The Spirit of Laws (the World’s Great Classics Series). (1) A History of Indian Shipping and Maritime Activity from the earliest times (Longmans, Green &. Co., 1911). (2) The Fundamental Geographical Unity of India from Hindu Sources (Longmans). (3) Introduction to Law’s Studies in Hindu Polity (Longmans). Articles in the Modern Review, Indian Review, &c, Utopia. The Story of Alchemy (Library of Useful Stories, London, 1902). Rajanlgkantu, Sanskrit Medical work (Benares Edition, 1883). Modern Geography (Home University Library). Grihya Sutras, Part I, in the Sacred Books of the East Series (Oxford, 1886). Part II (1892). (1) The Original Inhabitants of India, (Constable & Co.) (2) Fire-arms and Weapons of the Hindus, &c. (Higgin- botham & Co., Madras, 1880). Adyer Gambhira—a history of the Socio-religious festival connected with the worship of Siva (District Council of National Education, Malda, Bengal, 1911). A Bengali work. The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age (Oxford University Press, 1913). Play-Book of Metals (1861). Political Economy in England (Methuen & Co., 1900). Essay on the Architecture of the Hindus (Published for the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1834). Rise of the Maratha Power. (1) Ratna Pariksa—a Bengali treatise on precious stones (1904). (2) The Astronomers and Astronomy of the Hindus (1903). A Bengali work. (1) History of Hindu Chemistry, Yol. I (First Edition 1902). (2) Hindu Chemistry Vol. II (1909). (3) Rasarnava, Dhatukriya and Texts of other Sanskrit Medi- cal works. Rea... ... ... Monograph on Stone Carving and Inlaying in Southern India (1906). Report (Bengali) of the North Bengal Literary Conference, held at Malda (1911), published by the Sdhitya Pari$at of Rangpur (1913) Routledge ... ... Discoveries and Inventions (13th Edition, London, 1900). Roxburgh Sachs Flora Indica (Thacker, Spink & Co., 1874). History of Botany (1530—1860) English Edition (Oxford, 1890). Sarkar, S. C. ... Meghaduta rendered into English verse with Introduction and Notes, Panini Office, Allahabad, 1906. Sastri, Mahamahop&dhyaya (1) Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 1, 1895. Haraprasada. (2) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for Decern- Sastri, Subrahmaniya ber, 1894. (3) Introduction to Vasu’s Modern Buddhism (1912). (1) Jatakaparijata (Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay, 1903). (2) Sripatipaddhati (ditto). Sastri, Pandit Natesa Article in the Journal of Indian Art, Vol. Ill, No. 29. Sayce, Prof. Schofi Hibbert Lectures (Ancient Babylonians), Fifth Edition, 1898. The Periplus of the Erythraean Lea (Longmans, 1912). Seal, Dr. Brajendranath ... Mechanical, Physical and Chemical Theories of the Ancient Hindus in Vol. II of Dr. Ray’s History of Hindu Chemistry (Bengal Chemical Works, Ld., 1909). Sen, Dr. Gananath Study of the Medical Science in Ancient India (Sahitya Sabha, Calcutta, 1908) Sen, Kavirajas Devendra- nath and Upendranath. (1) Charaka Samhita, Sanskrit Medical work. (2) Chakradatta, Sanskrit Medical work (Calcutta). (3) Susruta Samhita, Sanskrit Medical work. (4) Bengali Translation of Susruta Samhita, Sanskrit Medical work (1900, Calcutta). Sen, Dr. RamadSsa (1) Bengali work, Ratnarahasya (1883, reprinted in 1909). (2) Agastya Matam (1883, ditto) Sanskrit Text. (3) Manipariksa (1883, ditto) Sanskrit Text. (4) Bengali work, Bharata rahasya (1885, ditto). (5) Ratnasangraha, Sanskrit Text. Sewell Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara) 1900, Sonnen-Schein & Co., London. Sidgwick, Prof. (1) Elements of Politics (1891) (2) Development of European Polity (1903). Silberrad Monograph on Cotton Fabrics (U. P., 1898). Sivadatta Hastyayurveda of Palakapya (Anandasram, Poona, 1894) Smith, Vincent (1) Early History of India (Oxford University Press, Third Edition, 1908). (2) A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon (1911). Stein Kalhapa’s Rajatarangini two volumes (Archibald Constable & Co., 1900). Taw Sein Ko ... Monograph on the Pottery and Glassware of Burma (1894-95). 'Thurston Tilak, Bal Gangadhara Tupper Twigg... Vagbhatacharyya Vaidya Vasu, Nagendranatha Vasu, Srischandra Vidyabhushan, Rajendra- nath. (1) Pearl and Chank Fisheries in the Gulf of Mannar. (2) Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Printed by the Superintendent, Government Press, Madras, 1906). (3) Monograph on Cotton Fabric Industry (Madras, 1897). The Orion (Bombay, 1893). Stone Carving and Inlaying in the Bombay Presidency (1906). Carpet-making in the Bombay Presidency (1907) Rasaratna samuchchaya, a Sanskrit Medical work (Atiandas- ratn, Poona, 1901). Epic India (Radhabai Atmaram Sagoon, Bombay, 1907). Modern Buddhism (1912) (Calcutta). (1) Yajnavalkya Smriti (Panini Office, Allahabad). (2) Folk Tales of Hindusthan (Ditto). Kalidasa (1908, Calcutta). Viswakosa, Bengali Encyclopaedia Indica (Calcutta) Vols. XVI, IX. "Wales .. Monograph on Wood Carving (Bombay, 1902). Watt ... Dictionary of the Economic Products of India (Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta, 1889-1896). Weber ... History of Indian Literature. Weir ... The Historical Basis of Modern Europe (1760-1815) London, Sonne Schein & Co., 1886. Whitney and Lanman ... Atharva-Veda (Harvard Oriental Series, Vols. 8 and 9, 1905). Williams, Monier ... Hinduism. Wilson, Professor ... Vishnu Purana, (London, Triibner & Co., 1868). A’.B.—The Text of Sukraniti translated and used for this work is that edited by Dr. Gustav Oppert for Madras Government in 1882. And the references are always to lines, not to slokas. Thus Sukra. IV, ii, 131, indicates 1. 131 of section ii of chapter iv. THE POSITIVE BACK-GROUND OF HINDU SOCIOLOGY. BOOK I.—NON-POLITICAL. CHAPTER I. RELATIVITY OF THE NiTISASTRAS. Section i. Hindu Culture and Sociology in Sukranlti. The Greek philosopher Plato was for some time tutor to a king of Syracuse in Sicily. Machiavelli, the Florentine diplomat, who has bequeathed his name to a school of politicians, was the author of a work that proved to be the Bible of kings and princes in mediaeval Italy and Europe. The ‘School-master ’ of Roger Ascham was written for the princesses of an English royal family. The sage Sukracharyya, or at any rate, his nom de plume, belongs to the same gallery of world’s Rajgurus or royal tutors. And his Nitisastra or ‘ Treatise on Morals’ is dogmatically asserted to be the sole authoritative1 2 * text-book on Political Science that should be used by Hindu kings and statesmen. This opinion of Sukracharyya about the position of Nitisastra has been referred to by Kamandaka also (II. 5): “According to the school of Usanas (Sukra) there is only one division of learning, namely Dandaniti, and the origin of all kinds of learning lies in this one.” It would, therefore, be interesting to find out for which Hindu Court or Courts this manual was intended, or which supplied data for the rules and generalisations embodied in it. The scope of a Nitisastra is more or less like that of a Dharma-sutra or Dharma-sastra, one of the three divisions of Kalpa-sutra, which is one of the Six Vedangas or auxiliaries to Vedas. The province and relative position of Dharma-sutra in Sanskrit literature are thus described by Oldenberg:4 1 Chapter IV, Section vii. 851-G. 2 Introduction to the Grihyasntras of Gobhila, Hiranyakesin etc, in the Sacred Books 0} the East Series xxxiii—iv, “ The frame within which the exposition of the Dharma-sutras is enclosed is an essentially broader one than in the case of the Grihya Sutras.* * The same phenomenon may also be observed in Buddhist Vinaya literature, where the exposition of the life of the community was at first given only in connection with the explanation of the list of sins (Patimokkha).* * It was not till later that a more comprehensive exposition, touching all the sides of the life of the community was attempted** The Grihyasutras begin to treat of the events of the daily life of the household,** confine themselves principally to the ritual or sacrificial side of household life, as is natural owing to their connexion with the older ritualistic literature (Srauta Sutra). Then the Dharma-sutras take an important step further ; their purpose is to describe the whole of the rites and customs which prevail in private, civil and public life. They naturally among other things touch upon the ceremonies treated in the Grihyasutras, but they generally merely mention them and discuss the question of law and custom which are connected with them, without undertaking to go into the technical ordinances as to the way in which these ceremonies are to be per- formed.” It may be doubted at the outset if the class of writings called Dharma- sastras, Arthasastras, and Nltisastras to which Sukraniti belongs were (i) the work of a single individual or school, and (2) were ever the Gazetteers designed to embody the actual state of things, or Statute-Books meant for the guidance of the people and rulers of any particular epoch or region. It may be presumed that like Plato’s Republic and Laws, Moore’s Utopia, and Harrington’s Oceana, Sukraniti is the product of the same inspiration that has lain at the bottom of all efforts to portray the ideal constitution of ‘nowhere’, describing things ‘that never were on sea or land’ in the history of world's speculative litera- ture. Thus about Manu Samhita, Elphinstone remarks : “ We must remember that a code is never the work of a single age, some of the earliest and rudest laws being preserved and incorporated with the improvements of the most enlightened times.** Even if the whole code referred to one period it would not show the real state of manners. Its injunctions are drawn from the model to which it is wished to raise the community, and its prohibitions from the worst state of crime which it was possible to apprehend.* * * Though early adopted as an unquestionable authority for the law, I should scarcely venture to regard it as a code drawn up for the regulation of a particular state under the sanction of a government. It seems rather to be the work of a learned man, designed to set forth his idea of a perfect commonwealth under Hindu institutions.”1 According to this view it may be inappropriate to trace the production of Sukraniti to the patronage or influence of any of the numerous polities and royal courts in Hindu India. But even the most idealistic literature is not absolutely independent of age and clime. The Time-Spirit and Place-Spirit are too powerful to be totally ignored by human genius even if it consciously 1 History of India, p. 12 (1889), attempt it. The social environment and physical surroundings—both the aspects of the great envelope of man—cannot but leave their marks upon his intellectual consciousness and literary activities of any considerable magni- tude. Leaving aside for the present, therefore, the most vexed of all questions in Indian history, the determination of the personality, identity and individuality of our author, we propose to investigate all the social and physical influences that are likely to have contributed to the making of Sukraniti, as available from a study of the data furnished by it. This investigation is really a study of the education received by our author himself, and of the literature drawn upon by him in the preparation of his work, in one word, a presentation of the whole culture embodied in, and pre-supposed by, Sukraniti. A study of this culture, and the “ relativity ” of Sukraniti to this envelope of physical and social forces and influences, would, however, incidentally furnish some of the evidenc- es pointing to the age and locale of the work. The relativity of Sukraniti to the social influences may be easily presumed like that of Manu Samhita, as has been done by Elpbinstone : “ It is evident that it incorporates the existing laws, and any alterations it may have intro- duced with a view to bring them up to its pre-conceived standard of perfection, must still have been drawn from the opinions which prevailed when it was written.” So also the influence of physical and geographical factors on the work, and consequently its “relativity” to a particular region of the earth’s surface cannot be missed. Section 2. Land-marks in the History oj Hindu Political Development. Even superficial students of Sukraniti do not fail to perceive that the Executive system, Judiciary, Military administration as well as other incidents of social, economic and political life described in it indicate a high degree of development, and are adapted not to simple village-republics and tribal common- wealths or city-states that we meet with in certain periods of Indian and European history, but are the outcome of the complex requirements of ‘ country’- states or Imperial organisations. Now Ancient and Mediaeval History of India furnishes the following more important types of political life that have evolved in connexion with the magni- ficent kingdoms or empires of the Hindus :— 1. The Maurya Empire of Chandragupta and Asoka (4th and 3rd centuries B.C.) embracing modern Afghanistan, the whole of Upper India, and Southern India, excluding the extreme south (Chola, P&ndya, Kerala, Satyaputra and Ceylon). 2. The Gupta Empire (4th century A. D.) which was brought to an end by the incursions of the Huns. 3. The Empire of Harsavardhana (7th century A.D.) in Upper India during the latter part of whose reign Houen Thsang, the great master of Law from China, travelled in India. 4. The Empire of the Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas in the Deccan1 * (fifth to fourteenth century A. D.) 5. The Empire of the Cholas in Southern India beyond the Deccan (ninth to fourteenth century A.D.). Says Mr. Vincent Smith in his Introduction to Mr. Aiyangar’s ‘Ancient India : ’ “ The Chola dynasty was singularly prolific in kings of more than ordinary capacity, from the middle of the ninth century to the end of the reign of Kolutunga in A. D. 1118. It is clear from the details on record that the administration of the kingdom was ‘ highly systematised ’ from an early date. For instance, there is abundant evidence that the lands under cultivation were carefully surveyed and holdings registered at least a century before the famous Domesday record of William the Conqueror. The re-survey of 1086 was exactly contemporaneous with the English record. The Cholas were great builders; builders not only of cities and temples but also of irrigation works.” According to Mr. Aiyangar in Ancient India, “ this is the period of high water-mark of Hindu progress all round. Modern Hinduism assumes the shape in which we find it to-day. The indigenous literature as well as classi- cal Sanskrit receive considerable patronage. Religion has been re-adjusted to the requirements of the masses, and administration had come to be highly organised upon surprisingly modern lines. Revivalism in religion and re-invigoration were the order of the day.” The story of one of the greatest monarchs of this period, Rajendra Chola (1013—1042), the son of Rajaraja the great, who, according to the inscriptions, carried his arms successfully across Kalingam, subdued Dakkana Lfitam, Vangaladesam, and the territory of Dharma- pala, fought battles on the Ganges and in Burma, and earned the proud surname of Gangaikonda Chola, has been preserved in the Kanarese work, Raja Sekhara Vilasam. At the commencement of the 13th century the great Chola Empire was dismembered between the Yadavas of Deogiri, Kakatiyas of Orangal, Hoysalas of Dwarsamudra and other petty chieftains. 6. The Empire of the Palas and their successors at Gauda in Bengal (8th to 12th centuries A. D.)3 synchronous with the ascendancy of the Chalukyas in the Deccan and the Cholas in the South. “ The period embraced by the long reigns of Dharmapala and of his son Devapdla covers nearly a century, including the period spent in consoli- dating the district of Bengal by Gopala after his election by the people.” This was a period of the greatest activity of the Bengali people in various departments, as will appear from the monumental relics discovered and collected by the Varendra Research Society. This period has another importance, as we know from the book of Lama Taranatha, that during these long reigns of Dharmapala 1 For an account of the Pallava, Chola, Chalukya, Rashtrakuta and other king- doms in South India, see Aiyangar’s Ancient India, pp. 31-38, 158—191. For an account of the hegemony of the Palas in Northern India as successors of Harsavardhana to Imperial titles and pretensions see the Bengali publications of the Varendra Research Society of Rajshahi, and Mr, R. D. Banerji’s Memoirs of the Palas (Asiatic Society of Bengal.) and of his son Devapala, "an eastern school of sculpture and painting was established by Dhimfina born in Varendra, and by his son Vitap&la. * * * The reputed minister enabled his master Dharmap£la originally a lord only of the Eastern quarter, to extend his dominions to all the quarters, * * * over all the territories between the Himalayas on the north and Vindhya mountains on the south between the two seas * * * The Lord of Gauda (probably Devapdla J) suppressed the Utkalas, humbled the Hunas, and crushed the pride of the Lords of Dravida* and Gurjara.” It may be observed, in passing, that these recent researches of Indian scholars in the mediaeval history of Eastern and Southern India from archaeological, lin- guistic, commercial and other standpoints have unearthed important facts of Bengali and Tamil antiquities which prominently demand recognition in the standard works on Indian culture-history. The Palas and Cholas of mediaeval India can no longer be treated as subordinate or petty princes ruling over the " Smaller kingdoms ” in one of the so-called periods of disintegration which Indian history is said to repeat after every epoch of consolidation ; but must be ranked as by no means inferior, in prestige, titles, pretensions, influences, and achievements, to the famous Vardhanas of the 7th cent. A.D., the Guptas of the 4th-5th cent. A.D. and the Mauryas of the 4th-3id cent. B.C. Dharmapala (c 800 A.D.) the Buddhist Emperor of Eastern India, with his immediate predecessors and successors, as well as Rajendra Chola, the great Saiva monarch of the South, with his predecessors and successors, constitute two remarkable contemporary Imperial families which must have a place by the side of such renowned Indian Napoleons, Empire-builders, and statesmen as Chandragupta Maurya, Asoka, the benevolent " Caesaro-papist,” Chandragupta the Gupta, Samudragupta the Vikramaditya, and Harsavardhana, who preceded them in solving the same problems of administration, commerce, religion and culture on the stage of Hinausthan. The Drama of Indian History should, therefore, have its first Act closed not at the end of the 7th century with the passing away of the Vardhanas from Kanauj and Upper India, but really at the end of the 12th century (1193) with the overthrow of the successors of Palas in Eastern India by a lieutenant of Muhammad Ghori, and at the beginning of the 14th century (1310) with the overthrow of the successors of Cholas by a lieutenant of Alauddin Khilji. The Hindu Period of Indian history does not end with Harsavardhana (7th cent.) and the subjugation by Mussalmans of certain Rajput States in 1 See the reading of the Garudd stambha inscription interpreted by Maitra in ‘ The Stones of Varendra ’ in the Modern Review for August, 1912. 3 An important historical puzzle that awaits final solution is the relation between the Cholas and Palas in the 10th century. South Indian tradition points to the overthrow of the Bengalis by the Tamil Napoleon, East Indian tradition points quite otherwise. The Varendra School evidently accepts the overthrow of the Dravidians by the Palas, as here and also in Chanda’s work, Gauda Rdjamdld ; South Indian scholars, however, accept the overthrow of the Palas and Vangalas as a historical fact (cf. Aiyangar’s Ancient India). Prof. Mookerji records the Tamil View on pp. 174—177 of his Indian Shipping. See also JR. D. Banerji’s Memoirs of the Palas of Bengal, G. No. I (Asiatic Society of Bengal). Western India in the ioth and nth centuries.1 2 For the social expansion, reli- gious assimilation, commercial progress, and Imperial achievements which we are wont to associate with the brightest eras of Hindu national history were going on in Eastern and Southern Hindusthan, unhampered as of yore, along the natural lines of progressive evolution up till the 13th and 14th centuries, while the buffer-princes of Lahore, Delhi, Ajmere, Kanauj, Malvva and Gujrat were performing their duties as by position the gate-keepers of India against the inroads of aggressive Islam. The period of the mighty Pa'as and Cholas and their successors has witnessed the solution of problems which are of paramount importance in Indian history, literature, fine arts, philosophy, and religion. For it was during this age that the ocean of I'antraism finally swallowed up in a common philosophy the divergent channels of Mahayana Buddhism and latter-day Brahmanism ; that Vaisnavism and Saivaism—the corner-stones of modern Hindu life-received the official stamp; the parents of present-day vernaculars were encouraged and ‘ protected ’ ; noble religious edifices were built,, huge sealike tanks were excavated ; magnificent images were sculptured in bronze and stones; the navigation of the sea was pushed forward, commercial and cultural intercourse between the Southerners and Easterners was promoted ; and India became really the School of Asia by supplying faith, literature, fine arts and material neces- saries to China, Nepal, Tibet, Japan, Java, Burma and other lands beyond the seas. This period does, in fact, carry forward and develop the impulses, aspirations and tendencies of Hindu national life testified to by the Chinese Master of Law in Hargavardhana’s time. The Palas and Cholas are really the spiritual successors of the great Empire- builder and statesman of the 7 th century. The epoch of their hegemony in Indian history is a brilliant sequel to the splendid epoch of Imperialism, religious toleration, maritime activity, and social amalgamation which it had been the policy of the great Harsa to pioneer and direct. Their services to the making of Indian national culture deserve the same meed of homage, therefore, from future historians as those of Sri Harsa. And now that excavations, explorations, reading and interpretation of old vernacular manuscripts, copper-plate inscriptions, architectural monuments, numismatics, study of folklore, folk-songs, folk-arts and village traditions, Sans- krit literature, old sculptures and paintings, call up before us a picture of political and religious life, commercial and social intercourse, art-development, and liter- ary progress no less definite and clear than what we have for any other period of Indian history, the necessity, of looking upon the Pala-Chola period* as the really last phase of Hindu India cannot be too strongly advocated. 7. The Kingdoms of the Rajputs which beginning in the 9th or ioth centuries have continued their existence even now. 1 See Vincent Smith’s Early History (second edition, pp. 330-331). 2 Another oft-neglected period of Indian history—one of the so-called epochs of dissolution and decentralisation is the Andhra-Kushan age of Hindu national life. 8. The Kingdom of Kashmir which was ruled by Hindu kings till about the middle of the fourteenth century. 9. The Kingdom of Vijayanagara, called the ‘Forgotten Empire’of the South in Mussalman times, the only important seat of Hindu culture in Mediaeval India (14th—16th century A.D.). 10. The Empire of Maharastra under the Peshwas (18th century A.D.) whose administrative system has been elaborately described by the late Mr. Justice Ranade in his Rise of the Maratha Power. These larger and more celebrated kingdoms and empires of the Hindus have flourished through over two thousand years of recorded history and in conditions of physical environment as varied as possible in a country like India, the ‘epitome of the world.’ The types of political organisation, there- fore, that Indian history presents must be more or less diversified in character to meet the requirements of peoples living under diverse geographical and topographical influences. And one naturally expects a diversity of political codes or Nitisastras or manuals of governmental rules. Inspite of the oneness and basic uniformity of Hindu life throughout India, the text-book of political life evolved in the extreme north, say Kashmir, is not likely to be that exactly adjusted to the needs of the Dravidians of the extreme south. Or again the rules and regulations which the Marathas framed for themselves in the west of India towards the close of the Mussalman period could not be copied in foto from a chapter of the Nitisas/ra that was taught, say, to the Pala Kings of Bengal in pre-Mussalman times. Politics like everything else of human life are the results of adaptation to the circumstances of time and place; and the history of a people has ever been powerfully influenced by the geography and topography of its habitat. An analysis of the geographical facts and phenomena occurring in the Hindu Nitisastras or treatises on morals (social, economic and political) is therefore likely to be an important factor in assigning each to the proper sets of physical and social conditions under which it was composed. Section 3 Milestones in the History of Hindu Political Speculation. (a) Arthasastra. There is no difficulty about the Arthasastra of Chanakya or Kautilya, the Minister of Chandragupta Maurya who for the first1 time in Indian history conceived and executed the plan of a vast Empire, the limits of which it has not been possible for any monarch to reach or exceed. Like Abul Fazl’s Ayeen Akbari, the Arthasastra may be looked upon as the Imperial Gazetteer of India in one of the most remarkable periods of 1 In the Fundamental Unity of India (Longmans Green & Co.) Prof. Mookerji traces the Hindu conception of Imperialism and paramount Sovereignty from Vedic times (vide Chapters XIX—XXIX). Indian culture-history. The chapters of this monumental document are devoted exclusively to a description of the multifarious incidents of political life under Chandragupta’s government, e,g. the working of the mines, the opening of irrigation works, the establishment of factories ; the maintenance of preserves and grazing grounds, of high ways of commerce, waterways, land- routes, and other facilities for communication ; the establishment of markets and stores ; the construction of embankments, dams and bridges ; the planting of fruit and flower trees, of medicinal plants and herbs (i.e. the establishment of Ayurvedic and pharmaceutical gardens); protection of the disabled, the helpless and the infirm, and also of beasts &c., famines, census, central and municipal government, livestock and many other social, juristic and economic institutions. In the Introduction to Mr. Law’s Hindu Polity1 Prof. Radhakumud Mookerji of the National Council of Education, Bengal, has summarised the “ arguments which may be advanced in support of the traditional and widely current view that the Arthasastra of Kautilya is the work of Chanakya the minister of Chandragupta and therefore belongs to the 4th century B.C.” The writer has proved from both external and internal evidences— (1) That the political connexion of Kautilya with Chandragupta as his Finance Minister is a fact and not a myth. (2) That the Arthasastra attributed to Kautilya is a genuine work of antiquity and not a traditionally handed down fable. (3) That the work is the production of an individual author and not of a school, as is frequently the case with Indian treatises. (b) Kamandaki Niti. The work of KSmandaka3 is undoubtedly an abridged edition of Artha Sastra, and the author himself is supposed to have been the disciple of Kautilya. A flood of light is thrown on the age and personality of the author of Kdman- daki Niti from a report submitted by Dr. Frederick to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences on the Sanskrit literature of Bali. “ It appears that the most popular work on Polity in that Island is entitled Kamandakiya Niti Sara* * The researches of Sir Stamford Raffles and Crawford shew that the predomi- nance of Buddhism in the Island of Java obliged the Hindu inhabitants of that place to retire in the fourth century of the Christian era with their household gods and their sacred scriptures to the island of Bali. * * * It has also been shewn by the same authorities that since the period of their exile, they had not any religious intercourse with India. It would therefore follow that the Sanskrit works now available in Bali, including the Kamandakiya Niti are of a date anterior to the 4th century A.D.” As a document of sociological information, this work is less valuable than Sukraniti. Its importance has, however, to be noticed because of the Chanakyan 1 Law’s Studies in Ancient Hindu Polit;/ (1914 Longmans Green and Co., London). * Kamandalciyu Niti Sara published by Manmatha Nath Datta (Calcutta, 1896). Doctrine of Mandala or “sphere of political activity and influences/’ which is not to be found in Sukra’s work. (c) Other works. The difficulties with regard to the other extant (or published) treatises are immense, especially because we do not know of any other political fabric that has left its own Statute-Book. Yuktikalpataru and Sukraniti are the two exclusively socio-economic and socio-political treatises that we have come across up till now. Accounts of economic and political theories as well as practices are also to be met with in almost every branch of Sanskrit literature. Some of the Puranas, all the Smri/isds/ras, Manusamhitd, Mah&bhdrala, Rdmayana, Panchatantra, Raghuvansa, Kiratarjuniyam, Hitopadesa, Dasa- kumdracharila, together with treatises devoted to Dhanur Veda or Warfare and International Laws, notices of which are found in the celebrated Catalogus Catalogorum of Prof. Aufrecht, are especially rich in the subject- matter of Nitisaslras. Several such works are the following Nitiprakasika, Harivanga, Utpalaparimala, Charanavyuha, Krisnavidya- bhyasa prakarana, Sankalpasuryyodaya, Prasangaratnavali by Madhavarama, Kamasutra (Vatsayana), Vidura-niti, Vaisampayana Niti, and Brihatsamhita. There is, besides, a Nitisdstra attributed to one Ghatakarpara mentioned by Stein in Kashmir Catalogue (p. 93). In the statement of sources for his series of learned papers on Hindu Polity contributed to the Modern Review (1913), Mr. K. P. Jayaswal mentions Niti-Vakyamrita’ and the Marathi work Dasa-bodha1 2, the Bible of Sivaji, and refers to several Buddhist and Jaina texts. Some allusions to ancient civics are to be found in the Jaina works, Nandi Sutra, and Risi mandala Prakaranavritti quoted by Prof. R. K. Mookerji in the Introduction to Law’s Hindu Polity. {d) Smriti Sastras. The names of Smriti Sastras are given from Vasu’s Ydjnavalkya Smtiti, Book I, Chapter I, Introduction 4-5 in the “ Sacred Books of the Hindus Series." “ Manu, Atri, Visnu, Harita, Yajnavalkya, Usanas, Ahgiras, Yama, Apastatnba, Samvarta, Katyayana, Brihaspati. Parasara, Vyasa, Sankha, Likhita, Daksa, Gautama, S3.t£tapa, and Vasistha are the promulgators of Dharnta Sastras." The Mitaksara Commentary on the above is as follows;— “This Dharma Sastra propounded by Yajnyavalkya should also be studied, such is the implied meaning of the above passage. 1 Cf. Samacleva 1. Edited in the Kasyamata series. 2 Mr. Jayaswal gives the English title of this v/ork as “ Address to the Enslaved.” Really, it should be “ The Awakening (or Enlightenment) of Rama Dasa.” 2 “ This is not an exhaustive enumeration (parisankhya), but it is merely illustrative. Therefore, the Dharma Sastras of Baudhdyana and others are not excluded. “ As each of these Smritis possesses authority, so the points not mentioned by one, may be supplied from the others. “ But if one set of Institutes contradicts the other, then there is an option (to follow any one of them).”1 * * BSlambhatta’s Gloss on the above furnishes much interesting information on the subject. Devala gives the following list of the Dharma-SSstras1. Manu, 2. Yama, 3. Vasistha. 4. Atri, 5. Daksa, 6. Visnu, 7. Angira, 8. Usana, 9. Vakpati, 10. Vyasa ; 11. Apastamba, 12. Gautama, 13. Katyayana, 14. Narada, 15. Yajnyavalkya, 16. Para- sara, 17. Samvarta, 18. Sankha, 19. Harita, 20. Likhita. In this list NSracla is an addition, while in the Y&jnyavalkya9s list we have S&tatapa instead. The Sankha gives the following list:—1. Atri, 2. Brihaspati, 3. Usanas, 4. Apastamba, 5. Vasistha, 6. Katyayana, 7. Paras’ara, 8. Vyasa, 9. Sankha, 10. Likhita, 11. Samvarta, 12. Gautama, 13. Satatapa, 14. Harita, 15. Yajnyavalkya, 16. Prachetas and the rest. By the phrase “ and the rest ” is meant 17. Budha, 18. Devala, 19. Sumantu, 20. Jamadagni, 21. Visvamitra, 22. Prajapati, 23. Paithinasi, 24. Pitamaha, 25. Baudhayana, 26. Chhagaleya, 27. Jabala, 28. Chyavana, 29. M'arichi, 30. Kas'yapa. In the Bhavisya Purana w7e find the following addressed by Isvara to Guha:— “Having pondered over the texts of the eighteen Puranas, O child, and over the texts ef the Smritis, beginning with Manu and which are thirty-six in number, I now tell thee.’. [This shows that the Smritis are 36 in number.] The Smritis like the 1. Vriddha- Satatapa, 2. • Yogi—Yajnyavalkya r 3. Vriddha-Vasistha, 4. Vriddha-Manu, 5. Laghu- Harita, &c„ should be included in the well-known thirty-six under their original authors. [Thus Manu includes the ordinary and the Vriddha Manu, and so on.] Thus Yajnyavalkya says (III. 110) “ 1 have declared the science of Yoga.’’ RatnSkara says: “we find in the Bhavisya Purana itself the enumeration of other Smritis like Gobhila, Risya Sringa, &c., which are over and above the thirty- six ; so we conclude that thirty-six does not exhaust the number of Smritis, but is only an enumeration made by the Sistas.” Those which are found as Grihya Sutras and their Parisistas, &c., they belong to a different Category : like the Pur&nas. As in the Bhavisya :—“ The Maitrayaniya, the Chhandogya, the Katha, the Apastamba, the Bhavrichas, their Paris'istas and those called Khilas (are also Smritis).” The Visnu-Dharma, the Siva-Dharma, the Mahabharata, and the Ramayana and the rest are also to be included among Smritis. As says the BhavisyaThe eighteen Puranas, the history of Rama (Ramayana), the Visnu-Dharma-SSstra, &c., the S;iva-Dharma; the fifth Veda called the Mahabharata composed by Krisna- Dvaipayana, the Sauradharma, the Manavokta Dharma, are also taken as such by the wise,” (adhyaya 4, v. 87-88). 1 See Manu, II, 14, for conflict of Sruti, &c. “But when two sacred texts (Sruti) are conflicting both are held to be law; for both are pronounced by the wise to be valid law.” The words “ as such ” in the above mean that they are also followed by the great men, and are authoritative, because they are not decried or dispraised by any and followed by great men, so they are to be taken also as Smritis. The opinion that the Smritis are thirty-six only in number, or twenty-four only in number, is held only by some and is contradicted by others, and is not authoritative. That the Smritis are Dharma-Sastras (Institutes of Sacred Law) we learn from Manu II. 10, where it is said “The Yedas should be known as Sruti; and the Dharma- Sastras as Smriti,’’ In Augiras we find“ The wise say that the following are Upa-Smritis:— Jabali, Nachiketa, Chhandas, Laugaksi, Kasyapa, Vyasa, Sanat Kumara, Satadru, Janaka, Vyaghra, Katyayana, Jatukarnya., Kapifijala, Baudhayana, Kanffda, and Visvamitra.” In Hemadri Dana Khanda the following more are enumerated: “Vatsa, P&ras- kara, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Risyas'ringa, Atreya, Babhru, Vyaghra, Satyavrata ; Bharadvaja, Gargya, Karsnajini, Laugaksi, and Brahma-Sambhava.” The Smritis of Prajapati, Yama, Budha, and Devala which are enumerated in Kalpataru are quoted by Hemadri as authority in the course of other authorities. The Kalpataru holds that the four sciences mentioned in the Visnu Purana (III 6. 26) as they relate to positive physical sciences should be taken as authority and Dharma in matters worldly. Those sciences are “ the Ayurveda (Medicine), the Dhanurveda (Archery), the Gandharvaveda (Music), and the Artha S£stra (the science of wealth)—thus the sciences are altogether eighteen” (Visnu Purana, III. 2. 26). So also in the Saiva Purana, the Vayaviya Samhita, chapter one, it is said: “O Romaharsana ! O all-knowing! thou hast obtained through good luck a complete knowledge of all the Puranas from Vyasa. The four Vedas, the six Angas, the Mimamsa, the Nyaya, the Purana and the Dharma Sastra are fourteen Yidyas. The Ayurveda (medicine), the Dhanurveda (Archery), the Gandharvaveda (Music) and the Artha Sastra (the science of wealth) are the additional four, making the VidySs eighteen. Of all these eighteen Vidyas, treating of different topics, the original author and direct prophet is the Trident-lianded Siva : such is the saying.” (Siva Purana, I. 23). Though all these are sources of law, yet all of them do not deal with all matters ; and sometimes they contradict each other. Therefore, the commentator says that, though each of them is an authority, yet the lacunae of one should be supplied from the other, where one is incomplete; and where they differ there is option. Manu has also taught this option in II. 14 : “ But when two sacred texts (Srutis) are con- flicting, both are held to be law ; for both are pronounced by the wise to be valid law.” (e) Traditional Abridgment of Niti Sastras. The Smriti Sastras have for their subject-matter a greater amount of socio-religious topics than are usually dealt with in Niti Sastras. Their authorship is, besides, attributed to Rishis, as we have seen in the previous enumeration. The Rishi upon whom our work has been fathered is mentioned in the above list as Usanas. It is believed that Usanas or Sukra- charyya was the last of the Rishis who meddled in Polity ; and that since his time the whole science of morals (social, economic and political) called Niti Sastras has been designated after him. Sukrdcharyya himself records the history of the abridgment of Niti Sdslras towards the commencement of our work : “ For the good of men Brahma had spoken that treatise on morals which contained 100 lakhs i.e., io million slokas. By a process of selection the essence of that Niti Sdstra, which was an extensive argumentative thesis, has been com- piled in an abridged form by Vasistha and others like myself for the increase of prosperity of rulers of the earth and of others whose life is of short span.’1 The same tradition1 is otherwise stated thus: “Formerly for the protection of creatures Brahma wrote the science of Polity in ten million chapters. Siva obtained this from Brahma and epitomised it in ten thousand chapters. His work is called Vaisalaksya from his name (Visalaksa or large-eyed). Indra made an abridgment of it in five thousand chapters, and Sukra into one thousand. Thus it was gradually abridged by the various sages having in view the shortened life of the people around them.’’ (/) Yukti-Kalpataru. The association of gods and Rishis with the works on Niti and allied topics, and the tradition about their vast size and large number, as well as the custom of attributing works to one’s gurus make the problem of a systematic treatment of Hindu political science all the more difficult. Equally puzzling is the association of works with historical characters, men of real flesh and blood, round whom, however, legends like those of Alexander and Charlemagne have grown up mystifying their age, locale as well as personality. One such work is the Yukti Kalpataru, giving “an account of all requirements in a royal court,” as Professor Aufrecht observes. I'he work is still in manuscript, but was first noticed by Dr. Rajen- dralal Mitra, and since his time, has been drawn upon by Indologists in their treatment of things Indian, specially secular matters. The work is attributed to King Bhoja (Vikramaditya ?) of Dhara in Malwa and has been described by the author as compiled from nivandhas or treatises of various munis or masters on the subjects. The following account of the work is being given from the manuscript (108 leaves), written in Bengali character, belonging to Mahamahopadhydya Adityarama Bhattacharya, now in the possession of the Panini Office.2 The botanical name of the work has been explained at the beginning just after the salutation to Krishna, “ the Parameswara, who by undoing the happiness of Kansa did really promote his happiness, who is worship- ped by the gods and is really unadorable,” and to the “ makers of Sastras whose words purify good men, even for the hearing.” Just as a Kalpa- vriksa or the wishing-tree (like the wishing-cow) celebrated in Hindu religious lore yields the satisfaction of all desires, so “wise men by resorting to this Kalpataru (the treatise so called) can achieve the most longed-for objects.” “ The root of this tree is Danda niti (the science of 1 Dutt’s Kamandakiya Niti Sara. (Calcutta, 1896.) 2 Tlie work is being edited by the present author. punishment), the stem is Jyotisha (implying Astronomy, Astrology, Horos- copy and Mathematics according to the conception of the Hindus), the branches and flowers are the diverse vidyas which deal with the facts observed (or the phenomenal world), the fruits are unknown and the rasa or sap is the nectar of the good, ie., promotes their welfare,” “ That Kalpataru should be respected by Kings and ministers, who should study their interests and deliberate on them according to its dictates as well as those of other sastras.’’ “ This is most conducive to the welfare of Kings and promotes also the weal of others,” {i.e., people). Thus the very definition of the term Yukti Kalpataru as the title of a book introduces the topics of a Niti Sastra ; and, as a matter of fact, all the subjects dealt with in the work are the proper themes of works like Sukraniti. The following table of contents in the Yukti Kalpataru would indicate that the work is, like the Artlia Sastra, Kamandaki Niti, Sukraniti, and Ghalakarparaniti, really a socio-economic and socio-political treatise, and is an additional document of Hindu secular literature in the department of Dharmasutras, ArthasSstras or Niti Sastras : i. Niti Sastra. 2. Guru (Preceptor) and Purohita (Priest). 3. Amatya (Land Revenue officer), Mantri (Foreign minister) and Duta (ambassador). 4. Lekhaka (scribe) and Jyotirjna (astronomer). 5. Puradhyaksa (Mayor or Superintendent of the city), Vanadhyaksa (Superintendent of Parks and Forests). 6. Koshavardhana (Development of Financial resources). 7. Raja- dayada (sharers of the royal income). 8. Krisi Karma (agriculture). 9. Rathin (charioteer), Sadi (Horsemen or Cavalry), ro. Gajaroha (the art of elephant mounting, driving, etc ). 11. Yana (Land and Water conveyances). 12. Yatra (Expeditions). 13. Vigraha (warfare). 14. Chara (spy). 15. Dutalakshana (Characteristics of ambassadors and spies). 16. Sandhi (I'ruce and Peace). 17. Asana (Siege). 18. Dwaidha (Duplicity —a military technical term in Siege-craft). 19. Asraya (seeking refuge or protection). 20. Danda (Punishment). 21. Mantra (Policy or statecraft) 22-3. Dwandwa (Rivalry and Hostilities undertaken under two sets of circumstances, e.g., i. Akritrima, i.e. conditions of natural fortifications, and ii. Kritrima, i.e., conditions of artificial barriers and barricades, etc.) described with quotations from Niti Sastra, Garga, and one Bhoja. 24. Pura-nirmana (Building of cities). 25. Kala (the auspicious time). 26, The vasati (an arrangement of various wards or quarters) described by quotations from Bhoja and Parasara. 27. Dosaguna (good and bad effects, according to Astrology). 28. Vastu (Houses). 29. Dingnirnaya (Directions). 30. Laksana (style or characteristics of Buildings). 31. Mana (Measurements). 32. Dosaguna (good and bad effects). 32. Kalanirnaya (when to begin building new houses). 33. Vastu praveshakala (when to enter new bouses). 34. Dwaranirnaya (laying out of doors). 35. Prachira (walls). 36-41. Vastu- danda (various measurements of houses), Vinasa griha, ranga, and Rajagriha (the twelve species of Buildings). A 42. Asanas (Thrones). 43. Khatikas (bedsteads). 44. Pitha (stools made of metals, stones or wood). 45. Chhatras (Umbrellas). 46. Dhwaja (Flags). 47. Chamara. 48. Chasaka (Drinking vessels). 49. Vastra (clothes). 50. Alankara (ornaments). 51. Diamond. 52. Padmaraga (species of Emerald). 53-4. Examination, prices etc., of Diamonds. 55. Examination of Vidruma (corals). 56. Gomeda. 57-8. Pearls—their examination and prices. 59. Vaiduryya, Indranjla (Sapphire). 60. Chhaya (Transmitted Light). 61. Marakata (Emerald —its origin, and good and bad effects). 62. Puspar^ga (Topaz). 63. Bhismamani. 64. Pulaka. 65. Sphatika (Quartz). 66. Ayaskanta. 67. Sankha (Conch). 68. Astra (Missile). 69, Khadga (Dagger). 70. Dhanu (bow). 71. Bilna (arrow). 72-3. Yatra (Expedition)—the proper time for it. 74. Nirajana (ceremony with horses and elephants). 75-9. Horses—Testing, their defects, how to strike them, etc. 80. Ritu- charyya (seasons—and seasonal treatment of horses). 81-2. Elephants. 83-5. The Examination, Merits and Defects of Bulls. 86. Buffaloes, 87. Deer. 88. Dogs. 89. Goats. 90-3, Carriages of various kinds. 94. Nauka Kastha (woods or timber for boats). 95. Boats of various kinds. (g) Hindu Rdjneet in Ayeen Akbari. The political literature of the Hindus was known to Abul Fazl, who in the Ayeen Akbari,1 has given a short synopsis of probably some of the Nlti Sastras in his possession in the chapter on the various branches of learn- ing cultivated by the people of Hindusthan ruled by his master, the great Akbar. Besides giving an elaborate description of Hindu Laws under the heading Beyhcir (Sans, Vyavahdra) and referring to “many other sensible books upon government,” the compiler of this Moghul Gazetteer gives the follow- ing summary of Rdjneet, “ the art of governing a kingdom.’’ “It is incumbent on a monarch to divest himself of avarice and anger, by following the counsels of wisdom. * * * It is his indispensable duty to fear God * * * to pay particular respect to men of exalted rank and behave with kindness towards his subjects of every description. * * * He should be ambi- tious to extend his dominions. * * * No enemy is so insignificant as to be beneath his notice. * * * A wise prince will banish from his court all corrupt and designing men. * * * “ The king resembles a gardener, who plucks up the thorns and briers, and throws them on one side, whereby he beautifies his garden, and at the same time raises a fence which preserves his ground from the intrusion of strangers. * * * The king detaches from the nobles their too numerous friends and dangerous dependents. * * * In affairs of moment it is not advisable to consult with many. * * * Some ancient monarchs made it a rule to consult men of a contrary 1 Gladwin’s Translation, Yol. Ill (1786) pp. 194-213, description and to act diametrically opposite to their advice. * *' * They found it the safest way to join with the prime minister a few wise and experienced men, and to require each to deliver his opinion in writing. A prince moreover requires a learned astrologer and a skilful physician. * * * If any monarch is more powerful than himself he continually strives to sow dissension among his troops; and if he is notable to effect this, prudently purchases his friendship. * * * The prince whose territory adjoins to his, although he may be friendly in appearance, yet ought not to be trusted ; he should always be prepared to oppose any sudden attack from that quarter. With him whose country lies next beyond the one last-mentioned lie should enter into alliance; but no connexion should be formed with those who are more remote. If he finds it necessary to attack his enemy, he should invade his country during the time of harvest.” Here we have from a foreign source the traditional ideas of the Hindus regarding Constitution, International Morality, etc., as preserved in the Hindu literature of the 16th century A. D. Section 4. Unity and Diversity in Indian National Life. There are, no doubt, some floating ideas which are common to almost all these treatises and seem to have been the stock-in-trade of every writer on Niti, These verbatim reproductions or occasional modifications and adapta- tions of the same texts are not difficult to explain. The language of the learned world was the same throughout India Education was imparted orally, and ideas were transmitted for generations from mouth to mouth. Besides, the incessant political changes of the times also promoted a uniformity of culture. Dynastic revolutions, territorial expansion and contraction, transfers of royal seats from place to place, emergence of new areas into political importance, constant transformations of the “ old order yielding place to new "—all these tended to produce an elasticity and flexibility of the Indian mind ever ready to receive new impressions by facilitating rapprochement and intercourse among the people. But beneath these unities and uniformities of culture are to be found the varieties and diversities which are the characteristic products of par- ticular epochs and areas. A close study of the political maxims embodied in the various branches of Hindu literature is calculated to yield not only a history of the development of polity and political speculation in India, through the ages, but also a record of the varying geographical influences bearing upon it. This characteristic of Indian national culture in its socio-political aspects, viz., the super-imposition, upon a fundamental bed-rock of uniformity, of a diversity adjusted to the conditions of varying localities and relative to the changes in the dynamic world-forces—has been also pointed out in my papers on a socio-religious festival called Gambhira connected with the Saiva- cUm-Sdktaism of Bengal.’ In fact, “ the diversity that characterises the customs and festivals, hymns and rituals of the people in different parts of India in the self-same socio-religious institution is so great to-day that it is difficult to perceive the unity underlying them.” The relativity and diversity of national ideals and institutions modify- ing the traditional unifying agencies have been thus explained: “The kaleidoscopic political changes which shifted the vital centres of gravity from people to people, province to province, and district to district, neces- sarily converted the border-lands or buffer-states of one epoch into pro- minent seats of political and cultural life in the next, and occasionally diverted the stream of paramount ideas along new and untrodden channels. These are hardly visible to us to-day because of the paucity of historical details bearing on them. On the other hand, the translation of higher culture into the tongues of the people of the various parts from the common store- house of Sanskrit, the lingua franca of educated India, through the ages, and the necessary modifications or adaptations, have imported a local colouring and distinctive tone to the all-India Hindu traditions, sentiments and customs in the several parts of the country.” “ Social and religious life of the people of India have thus been for ages governed not simply by the texts of the Sastras in Sanskrit (which, by the bye, could not escape the natural adaptation to the conditions of time and place), but also really and to a powerful extent by the vast mass of different vernacular literatures, both secular and religious, that grew up side by side with, and eventually replaced, to a considerable extent, the original store- house.” Section 5. Preliminary Spade-work. So far as the Hindu Literature on Economics, Public Finance, Constitu- tion, Jurisprudence, and International Law is concerned, the proper analysis of the documents with the object of discriminating from the permanent and basic foundations of unifying thought and tradition the layers and sediments that, point to different epochs and diverse local conditions in Indian culture-history, has yet to be undertaken. And the problem of assigning a particular political code to a particular kingdom or empire cannot be solved before a vast amount of spade-work is done. In the first place, the political history of India has to be ransacked so as to give more or less complete pictures of the administrative machinery and economic organisation of the various kingdoms and empires of the Hindu world. Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar has given a good survey of the whole administrative system of the Cholas® (900-1300, A.D.) in his Ancient India by utilising inscriptions and Tamil manuscripts. Mr. Akshaya Kumar Maitra has 1A Northern Form of the Sciiva Cult in tbe Modern World (Madras) for Octo- ber 1913. 1 See also Polity Ancient and Mediaeval in Kerala— (Modern Review, December 1913) by Venkataraya Iyer. thrown out some suggestive hints regarding the Land Revenue Policy and agri- cultural tenures under the Pala Empire. The materials in the possession of the Vdrendra Research Society are likely to yield a more satisfactory and complete picture of the mediaeval administrative system in Eastern India. In the second place, the whole field of Indian Literature, both Sanskrit and Vernacular, has to be ransacked wide and deep to discover socio-political and socio-economic treatises, and their contents minutely analysed and elaborately indexed in the interest of comparative studies. Mr. Narendranath Law’s Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity has revealed certain features of Maurya administration described in the Arthasdslra of Kautilya. Mr. Kashi Prasad Jayaswal’s essay on the Introduction to Hindu Polity published in the columns of the Modern Review, is a historical survey of Hindu political thought. Though premature as such, it is well calculated to suggest and open up new fields for the careful consideration of those who are interested in the theory of political progress and development of politics and in the history of political science as a special branch of world's philosophical literature. The present work is an attempt at placing some of the data of socio- economic and socio-political life gleaned from a text-book of Hindu Sociology. 3 THE DATA OF ANCIENT INDIAN GEOGRAPHY. Section i. Sukraniti as a source of Geographical Information. The work of Sukracharyya is not a historical kavya like the Raj Tarangini or * Annals of Kashmir’ in Sanskrit by the poet-historian Kalhana, which, accord- ing to Mr. Stein,* 1 “is not only the amplest but also the most authentic of our sources for the geography of Kashmir,” and ‘ by far the richest source of information’ for its historical geography. It is not an ltihasa,* ‘which narrates past events in and through the stories of the actions of the kings.’ The description of courts and palaces, forts and temples, or of the circums- tances attending the foundation of towns, villages, estates, shrines, mathas and other religious structures by particular kings, or the narrative of expeditions, warfares, sieges, etc., undertaken in quest of territorial expansion are quite uncalled for in the Nitisastra. Here the author has no opportunities for describing the physical background of the hero’s exploits by referring to the relief, mountains, rivers, character of soils, seasons, weather, climate and such other natural agencies as promote or retard the activities of man. It is not even a Purana% also, which according to the orthodox definition must contain “an account of the creation, the destruction, the dynasties, the cycles or epochs and the incidents or events under each dynasty.” There is thus no scope in it for popular story-telling and attractive descriptions likely to catch one’s imagination or for rambling from subject to subject and charming digressions about the plants, animals, physical features, geological facts, etc., that come in the way. Nor is Sukraniti an ordinary kavya4 like, say, the Raghuvainsam of Kalidasa, which must “appeal to the various rasas, i.e., feelings or tastes and give rise to pleasure” according to canons of Hindu literary art, and may be diversified in style by images, similes, metaphors and other forms of alamkara or figures of speech, as well as enriched by historical narratives or matter-of-fact descrip- tions, fanciful pictures or details of men and things according to the writer’s genius and sense of proportion. But Sukraniti is in verse only because almost every bit of Sanskrit literature is so; there is here no scope for flights of imagination or embellishments of style. The physiography, topography, mineralogy and meteorology of a place that are more or less expected in works like these have no natural place in a Nitisastra. Among the thirty-two vidyas or sciences mentioned by Sukra- charyya in the third section of the fourth chapter of his work, there is no 1 Stein’s Raj Tarangini, vol, 2, p. 366. 3 Sukra IV. iii, 104-5. mention of Nitisdslra. But the scope he has defined for his Sastra at the commencement of the treatise and the manner in which he accomplishes his task lead one to believe that Nilisastra is either identical with, or a species of, the more generic vidya, the science of Arlhasaslra,'1 which is defined to be that “which describes the actions and administration of Kings in accordance with the dictates of Sruti and Smriti, as well as the means of livelihood in a proper manner,” and is thus politics and economics combined. It is what in modern phraseology would be called a ‘ normative ’ science dealing with what ‘ should be ’ as opposed to what 1 is ’ or ‘ has been,’ since it dictates and prescribes ‘duties’ for kings, princes and statesmen. In such a work we cannot expect anything but the ‘generalisations,’ or what appear to be generalisations, regarding kingly functions deduced from the experience of many states in the past and the present; and therefore references to particular or individual men and places are few and far between, incidentally called for in the interest of illustration. The very scope and nature of Sukraniti, therefore, prevent it from being a source of geographical information, and the author or authors of the work have conscientiously done their part by avoiding all unnecessary or superfluous details except such as are directly and indirectly relevant to the socio-econo- mic and socio-political topics. In studying the geographical environment of the locality in which the work was composed or the court was situated one has, therefore, to pursue the same method as is used in the study of Shakes- peare, who always hides himself and eludes the reader’s grasp. It seems almost a hopeless task to catch the personality of Shakespeare or Kalidasa, because in them there is ‘Nature’s plenty.’ It is an interesting fact about Kalidasa that to-day he is claimed by all the four quarters of India as belong- ing to each. Kashmir and Malabar, Guzarat and Bengal, the extreme north and the extreme south, the extreme west and the extreme east —all vie with each other in finding from the ‘internal evidences ’ of the works of Kalidasa that they are the products of a man born and bred in their surroundings. The geographical facts and phenomena in Sukraniti have to be studied, therefore, not only to fix upon the locality in which it might have been written, but also for the knowledge that the poets of the Sukra cycle or authors who chose to adopt the nom-de-plume of Sukracharyya have incidentally displayed regarding the plants, animals, minerals, rivers, forests, soils, seasons, &c. of India and the world outside it. Section 2. General Geographical Facls. (a) The Quarters and Divisions of India. The directions of the world, as indicated by the points of the compass, have been mentioned several times in the course of the work. In connection with the construction of the capital citya and the royal residence or palace and officers’ quarters, &c„ Sukraniti is very particular about the directions, northern or southern, eastern or western, that are to be specially set apart for particular rooms or houses. Thus towards the east the king should have houses for the washing and cleaning of clothes &c. The northern rooms are set apart for chariots, arms and weapons, &c. The museum is to be situated towards the north of the palace. And so on. Or again the northern and southern sides are to be long, twice or thrice the eastern and western sides. The palace is to have sides of equal length in all directions and to be high southwards and low northwards. The rooms of the rest-houses may face the north or east. In Vas/u-Sas/ras, or Hindu treatises on buildings, the directions must be mentioned with particular care, because each is supposed to be presided over by a deity, (e.g., Kuvera, or the god of fortune, is the lord of the north, Yama or Death is the lord of the south, and so on). Hence, each direction has a special value affixed to it over and above the ordinary secular significance which arises from the fact that human life and comfort are affected by the sun, the wind and other natural agencies. The subject has been elaborately treated in that celebrated mine of information regarding things Indian, called the Brihat Samhita as well as the socio-economic manuscript, Yukli Kalpataru. Besides this mention of directions which, according to Hindu tradition, is mainly of a social and religious character, Sukraniti contains references to the north, south, east, west and middle as points or regions which take the reader out of the purely local surroundings of a particular spot. The geographical horizon of the poets of the Sukra cycle can be inferred to a certain extent from one of the functions of the Sachiva1 or Head of the War Office, among the Ten Prakritis or Executive Councillors of the state, which is described to be tnat of studying the men who are sent eastward and westward on missions. This men- tion of ‘ eastward and westward,’ however, does not furnish any solid ground as to the particular regions meant, for it has been done in connexion with a general statement. But the references to the ‘north and west’ as the land of the Yavanas1 2 who “recognise authority other than that of the Vedas,’’to the ‘southern’ countries where Brahmanas 3 are not condemned, if they marry maternal uncles’ daughters, to ‘ Madhyadesa,’ where artisans4 are beef-eaters, and deviation from the normal customs is not regarded as a sin, and to the ‘ north’5 where the women are touchable when they are menstruated, are not only the facts of pure and simple geography, but create in the minds of the reader the shrewd suspicion that the author of these lines does not belong to the particular regions mentioned, and that these must lie beyond the pale of “normal” rules and regulations of social life. Infixing upon the author’s home, therefore, one would be naturally tempted to exclude these regions from one’s considerations. It is difficult to make out which regions are specified in these references. The description of India as a country of the Navakhanda13 or Nine Divisions 1 Sukra II, 181-190. 4 Sukra IV, v, 25-96. 2 Sukra IV, iv, 74-75. s Sukra IV, 5, 97. ? Sukra IV, v, 94. ' Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India (1871), pp. 5-8. was first used by the astronomers Parasara and VarMiamihira, and was after- wards adopted by the authors of several of the Puranas. “ The names of the Nine Divisions given in the Mahabharata and the Puranas differ entirely from those of Varahamihira ; but they agree with those of the famous astronomer, Bhaskaracharyya.” But “ the division of India into five great provinces would appear to have been the most popular one during the early centuries of the Christian era, as it was adopted by the Chinese pilgrims,and from them by all Chinese writers. According to Vishnu Purana the centre was occupied by the Kurus and Panchdlas; in the East was Kamarupa or Assam ; in the South were the Pundras, Kalingas, and Magadhas; in the West were the Saurastras, Suras, Abhiras, Arbudas, Karushas, Malavas, Sauviras, and Saindhavas ; and in the North the Hunas, Salvas, Sakalas, Ramas, Ambashtas and Parasikas.” This account of India in the Vishnu Purana does not include what are comprised by the modern Deccan and Southern India. But “the same division of five great provinces was adopted by the Chinese pilgrim Houen Tsang in the seventh century, who names them in the same manner, as north, south, east, west and central according to their relative positions.” The extent and area of each of the five great provinces which according to the tourist’s report contained altogether eighty kingdoms are not the same as those in the Vishnu Purina; and Houen Tsang’s India is larger than that of the Purana. From Cunningham we quote the following lines which give the territories included within the five great provinces of India in the seventh century A.D. ‘‘I. Northern India comprised the Punjab Proper, including Kashmir and adjoining hill states with the whole of Eastern Afghanistan beyond the Indus, and the present cis- Sutlej states to the west of the Saraswati river. II. Western India comprised Sindh and Western Rajputana with Kutch and Gujarat, and a portion of the adjoining coast on the lower course of the Narbada river. III. Central India comprised the whole of the Gangetic Provinces from Thaneswar to the head of the Delta and from the Himalaya mountains to the banks of the Narbada. IV. Eastern India comprised Assam and Bengal Proper including the whole of the Delta of the Ganges together with Sambalpur, Orissa and Ganjam. Y. Southern India comprised the whole of the Peninsula from Nasika on the west and Ganjam on the east, to cape Kumari (Comorin) on the south, including the Modern Districts of Berar and Telingana, Maharashtra and the Konkan, with the separate states of Haidarabad, Mysore and Travancore or very nearly the whole of the Peninsula to the south of the Narbada and Mahanadi rivers." Mr. Cunningham believes that the tradition of the five Great Provinces was very popular in ancient India, at any rate among the educated classes. And if the authors of the Sukra cycle followed that tradition in referring to the land of Yavanas and the other regions of customs that would be regarded as immoral and heinous according to the normal standard of life and manners obtaining in the country for which their work was being written, the treatise excludes practically the whole of India from its purview and would have to be referred to some spot in Eastern India. But is it probable that the authors have used the pratyaguttara, (north and west or north-west ?), the madhva- desa, the ddksinatya and the uttara in the technical sense of the terms as given in either Vishnu Purana or the Chinese pilgrim’s accounts ? The question involves larger issues and cannot be decided before the following problems are solved : — (1) The Ethnology of the Yavanas and their Philosophy. (2) The regions and races which allowed beef-eating to artisans and artists and fish-eating to men. (3) The regions and races which allowed the marriage of maternal uncles’ daughters by Brahmanas. (4) The regions and races which did not consider female menstruation as a pollution. (5) The regions and races which did not object to the drinking of wines by women. (6) The regions and races in which unchastity was not regarded as a sin. Yavanas. If we are to determine the geography of the Yavanas after solving the question of their race and religion, the problem will not be solved at all. The Yavanamata' or the philosophy of the Yavanas has been described in Sukraniti as the thirty-first Vidya “ which recognises God as the invisible creator of this Universe and recognises virtues and vices without reference to Sruti and Smriti, and which believes that Sruti contains a separate religious system.” This description of Yavanism as a non-vedic, monotheistic religion is ‘too wide’, and as Mr. Oppert discusses in his short Preface to the Text of Sukraniti Sdraf published by the Madras Government in 1882, may be made to apply (1) to the Mosaic religion, (2) to Mahometanism, (3) to Christianity, (4) to the religion of the ancient Persians ; and even (5) to the religion of the Hindus “ who contend that they oniy revere the god-head in one particular manifestation, but that they do not admit of a plurality of gods.” But Mr. Oppert’s contention that Yavanamata may refer even to Hinduism is certainly erroneous, since no form of Hinduism ignores Sruti and Smriti and believes that Sruti contains a separate religious system—conditions essential to Yavana philosophy. In any case, to argue definitely from the tenets and doctrines of this creed as to the race and nationality of the people professing it is impossible. As for the abode or habitat of this race it is mentioned that the people are ‘ pratyaguttaravasinah.’3 This word maybe interpreted in two ways according as the compound is taken to be of the Karmadhdraya type or of the Dwandwa type. In the first case, the Yavanas are a people who live in the north-west. In the second case, they live both in the north and in the west (pratyak). Mr. Oppert takes it in the first sense. I take it in the second. But either way we are not left any the wiser regarding the religion or the people indicated by the term. For in different ages different peoples professing different faiths, Jewish, Hellenic, Christian, and Mahometan, have been inhabitants of the regions implied by the north, west, and north-west. The pre-condition for fixing the precise ethnology of Yavanas, therefore, is the exact date of Sukraniti, which for a long time yet, is sure to be ‘ begging the question.’ Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, in his second volume of Indo-Aryans after a pro- tracted disquisition, arrives at the following conclusions regarding the Yavanas: “ That originally the term Yavana was the name of a country and of its people to the west of Kandahar,—which may have been Arabia, or Persia or Medea, or Assyria probably the last. (2) That subsequently it became the name of all those places. (3) That at a later date it indicated all the casteless races to the west of the Indus including the Arabs and the Asiatic Greeks and the Egyptians. (4) That the Indo*Greek Kings of Afghanistan were also probably indicated by the same name. (5) That there is not a tittle of evidence to show that it was at any one time the exclusive name of the Greeks. (6) That it is impossible now to infer from the use of the term Yavana the exact nationality indicated in Sanskrit works.” Beef and Fish. If the above discussion does not leave us on any solid ground as to the geographical facts and phenomena of India, the precise delimitation of areas within which certain abnormal social and religious customs are allowed is none the more easy. Take, for instance, beef-eating, which has been described as the peculiar custom of the artists and artisans of the madhyadesa, or fish-eating, which is described as the special characteristic of the people generally of the same tract. Both in Vedic and subsequent Indian literature the slaughter of animals for food has been repeatedly mentioned. Principal P. T. Srinivas Iyengar writes in his Life in Ancient India in the Age of the Mantras : ‘‘ Horses (A.Y.vi. 71.1), bulls (R.V. i. 164. 43), buffaloes (R.V. 29. 7), rams (R.V. X.27.17) and goats (R.V. i. 162. 3) were killed on slaughter-benches (R.V.x.86.18), cooked in caldrons (R.V.iii. 53.22) and eaten. The eating of fishes and birds must have also prevailed.” Dr. R. Mitra also is strongly of opinion that beef-eating was universally allowed in ancient India and proves it by referring to Uttardma-charita, Smrltis, Manusamhila, Asoka's edicts, Mahabharala, Ramayana, Charaka, Susruta, Kalpa and Grihya Sutras. “ Aswaliyana emphatically ordains that no madhuparka should be celebrated without flesh (?).’’ The author of the Narasinhiyci Praijoga-p&rijuta has copied verbatim Aswal&yana’s rule about the necessity of eating beef at the Madhuparka ceremony, but qualified it by a quotation from Aditgapurana which says that in the present kali age the madhuparka should be celebrated without slaughtering a cow. The quotation has been given at length by Parasara, Hemadri and other compilers.” “ The Brihannaradiya Purana follows the above very closely.” Both the Upa-puranas are, according to Dr. Mitra, not above eleven or twelve hundred years old. The author of the Nirnayasindhu argues : “The slaughter of large bulls and large sheep for Brahmans versed in the\Vedas, though duly ordained, should not be done, being detested by the public." Dr. Mitra’s explanation1 of the prohibition of beef-eating lies in the fact “that when the Brahmans had to contend against Buddhism, which emphatically and so successfully denounced all sacrifices, they found the doctrine of respect for animal life too strong and popular to be overcome, and therefore gradually and imperceptibly adopted it in such a manner as to make it appear a part of their Sastra The lines in Sukraniti, therefore, referring to the custom of beef-eating as confined within a certain class of people in certain tracts of India called madhya- de'sa must have been written by a person, if Dr. Mitra’s theory is to be accepted, who lived in an environment that had long been disciplined in the sentiments and traditions brought on by the ascendancy of Buddhism. Madhyadega, therefore, should mean the land that forsook these humanitarian ideals long before other parts had become callous to them. Eastern India2 as described in connexion with Hiouen Tsang’s travels was the land that received Buddhistic influence earlier and more powerfully than other parts of India, and it may be surmised that the author of the lines referred to was writing from his home in Eastern India about the Central India as described in the Chinese itinerary, when he was thinking of beef and fish as food. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, in his Introduction to Mr. Nagendra Nath Vasu’s Modern Buddhism, thus bears testimony to the strength of Buddhism in Eastern India : “ Yuan Ckuang tells us tlaat there were ten thousaud Sangharamas with a hundred thousand Bhikshus in Bengal. To support this vast mendicant population at least ten millions of lay families were required, and they would be all Buddhists. * * More than three-fourths of the population of Bengal were Buddhists. Full one hundred years after Yuan Chuang, the original five progenitors of the present Radhiya and Varendra Brahmans in Bengal came from Kanoj. Their religion was not a proselytising one. In the middle of the twelfth century Ballala Sen took a census of the descendants of these five Brahmins and he found only eight hundred families in all. They lived mostly on grants of land made to them by the Rajas. * * * But they rarely interfered with other people’s religion. * * * rjhe masses were almost entirely left in the hands of the Buddhists, both married and unmarried. * * * The monasteries of Nalanda, Vikramasila, Jagaddala and other places were the best seminaries for the diffusion of Buddhistic learning and Buddhistic religion. It was from these monasteries that Tibet, Burma, Ceylon and Mongolia received their Buddhist preachers and Buddhist authors and translators. * * * In the twelfth century there were the following forms of religion in Bengal and in Eastern India 1 Brahminism. It was followed by 800 families of Radhiya and Varendra Brahmins and about a hundred families of other Brahmins, the descendants of many Kfiyasthas who came from the west and those of lower classes who served the families. 1 Indo-Aryans, Vol.II, pp. 354-88. 2 See the contributions of Mahamahop&dhyaya Haraprasad Sastri to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No 1. 1895, and Proceedings of the Society for December, 1898 Pandit Sastri has explained “ how the religion which existed in Eastern India in such splendour from 600 B. C. to 1200 R. D.” has under the influence of new conditions continued to exist there in new names under various guises even to the present day. This latter aspect of the question has been discussed by Mr. Nagendranath Vasu also in his Modern Buddhism. 2. Hinayana. This was followed on the West of the Ganges and especially in Tamluk. 3. Mahayana. It was a religion of the higher class Buddhist monks and higher class Buddhist laity. 4. Vajrayana. This was the religion of the middle class man and the married Buddhist clergy. 5. Nathism, which was professed by the Yogis who had numerous followers amongst the Buddhists and a few among the Brahminists. 6. The Sahajiya cult. It had numerous followers below the middle-class Buddhists and some among the lower class Brahminists. 7. Tantrism. It had its followers among all classes, but among the higher classes it was a subsidiary form of worship, among the lower it was the chief form. 8. The Kalachakrayana. It was purely Buddhist and more a religion of fear thau of love and was followed by the lowest classes.” Mr. Dineschandra Sen, also, in his celebrated History of Bengali Liter- ature (both in Bengali and English) has adduced fresh facts in support of the Sastri’s theory about the survival of Buddhism among the lower orders in Eastern India. He has referred to Bengali works of the period from 13th century, the age of the so-called annihilation of Buddhists by the Musalmans, to the 17th century. Nagendranath Vasu’s Modern Buddhism is an account of still extant forms of that cult in the hill-tracts of Orissa. In Mr. Sen’s monu- mental work we have been supplied with some of the more important features of Buddhistic faith that may be detected from an analysis of (1) the Sunyapurana of Ramai Pandit published by the Bangiya Sahitya Parishat of Calcutta, (2) the Bengali passages occurring in the Sanskrit works of ioth-iith cent., (3) the Charya charyavinischaya of Kanu Bhatta, discovered by the Sastri in Nepal, (4) the Lay of ManikchSnd published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (belonging according to Grierson, to the 14th, but according to Sen, to 11 th- 12th cent.), (5) the folk-songs about Govinda Chandra compiled by a rustic poet, (6) the agricultural maxims of Khana, and (7) astrological lore of Daka, both of which must be considerably anterior to Manikchand. Another scholarly and highly original Bengali publication of recent times which throws a flood of light on Mediaeval Buddhism and the processes of trans- formation by which it merged into, and was replaced or considerably eclipsed by, Hinduism is the history of Gambhirdp a Saiva festival of the people in North Bengal, by Mr. Haridasa Palit of the District Council of National Education, Malda. This work may be looked upon more or less as a connected history of socio-religious life of Eastern India. The researches embodied in it go further than supplying new data corroborating the hypothesis of the Sastri; for it proves 1 The materials supplied by Mr. Falit in this learned work from a first-hand study of innumerable Bengali and Sanskrit Mss., traditions and folksongs as prevailing in North and West Bengal (called Varendra and litidha) as well as Orissa have been utilised by the present author for his forthcoming work, ‘‘Studies in Hindu Literature—Literary and Sociological.” A few chapters from this have been published in The Vedic Magazine (Hardwar), The Modern World (Madras), and The Collegian (Calcutta). 4 that the worship of Siva by the orthodox Hindus of to day with such peculiar constitutional, doctrinal and devotional features as are associated with the GambJiira, Gajana and other ceremonies, is nothing different from, but really a descendant or another form of, the worship of Dharma, the mediaeval Buddha, popularised by Ramai Pandit, and that the whole laboratory of Buddhalogy and paraphernalia of Buddhistic ceremonialism have been utilised by and transformed into the modern socic-religious institutions of the Hindus. Modern Saiva-cum-^aktaism is thus traced by the author through the Yoga-Tantric phase of Mahayana-cum-Brahmanism back to the Vedic period of the simple worship of Rudra, Rudra-agnis, &c. That Buddhism was decaying in Central and Southern India, while it flourished vigorously in Bihar and Bengal, would be evident from the following extracts from Mr. Vincent Smith’s Early History of India : “ The Brahmanical reaction against Buddhism had begun at a time considerably earlier than that of Fahien’s1 travels (405—11 A. D.) ; and Indian Buddhism was already upon the downward path.” “ Buddhism was visibly waning in the days of Harsha and Houen Tsaug. * * * It had certainly lost its dominant position in the Gangetic plain which it had once held. * * * The sacrificial form of the Hindu religion received special attention. * * * Buddhism as a popular religion in Bihar, its last abode in Upper India, south of the Himalayas, was destroyed once and for all by the sword of a single Mussalman adventurer (1193 A. D.)." According to Dr. Mitra, therefore, the prohibition of beef and meat as food and the consideration of people taking to them as following an abnormal practice must be ascribed to the influence of Buddhistic environment in Eastern Ind:a as I have suggested above. Maternal Uncle’s Daughter. The marriage and other social customs mentioned above do not raise many difficulties. Among Marathas and Madrasis, even to-day, Brahmans may marry maternal uncle's daughters —an abnormal custom according to Sukra. The tradition is preserved in a familiar Sanskrit sloka 1 daksine matuli-kanya, uttare mansabhojanam,’ which describes the southern custom regarding marriage together with the northern regarding meat as food. The term Daksinatya, therefore, used in the Sukraniti, for the abode of such Brahmans as follow this abnormal custom, refers both to what is now called the Deccan plateau as well as Southern India, as it did according to the division of India into five great provinces in Houen Tsang’s time. There is no doubt that by this term the Northerner (or East Indian ?) Sukra refers to the Deccani (Chalukya, Ras- trakuta), Andhra (Telugu) and Chola (Tamil) Brahmans of his age. Wines. As for what Sukracharyya considers to be the abnormal practice of the drinking of wines by females, definite information on the point is not easily available. Dr. Mitra has proved the practice to be universal by references to the Ramayana, Mahabharata, Buddhist works, the works of Kalidasa and Magha, 1 Second Edition, pp. 283, 287, 318, 370. See also Aiyangar’s Ancient India, p. 362. Puranas and Tantras. But the fact that it should be regarded as exclusively the practice of the female sex of a particular country cannot be satisfactorily explained in the present state of our knowledge regarding the social life of ancient and mediaeval India. Sukra may, therefore, be taken at his word when he mentions the north as the locality of the custom. And there is no objection to referring this north to the northern division of Hiouen Tsang. The same arguments apply to the non-observance of menstruation as ceremonially unclean, and yield the same conclusions about its locality. Unchastity. The unchastity of women1 has been referred to several times in Vedic and other Hindu literature. But it is not easy to locate it somewhere as the area in which it is particularly connived at. Sukra’s statement that it is the characteristic of the women of Madhyadesa may, therefore, be taken for what it is worth. And in the absence of positive evidences for or against, this madhyadesa may be taken to be the Central India of the Chinese pilgrim. East Indian locale of Sukraniti. The study of the directions and divisions of India mentioned in the Sukraniti leads to a tentative hypothesis as to the home of the authors of the Sukra cycle. We have to fix upon a region, with reference to which the writer may simultaneously mention the north, west, central and south, as the quarters or divisions where certain customs and practices obtain which “deserve penance* and punishment’’ in the normal region that sets the standard. No Southerner would regard a southern practice as out of the way and be- yond the 1 norm.’ The same consideration applies to the westerner, northerner, &c. The only region or quarter that has not been mentioned must therefore be the land of Sukra’s ‘ normal ’ social life, and this is the Eastern. The argument from the ‘ abnormal ’ practices leaves no doubt as to the normal region in which the treatise was composed. As to the spot also with reference to which the quarters of India and the positions of the regions are mentioned, there can be no difficulty. We may place it in Eastern India, if we suppose that north, west, centre and south were being mentioned in the technical sense of the terms as used by Hiouen Tsang. The Easterner versed in technical terminology would mean by north not the Tibetan Himalayas, but the Punjab and Kashmir, Himalayas, &c., by the west not the modern U. P. but Sindh, Rajputana, &c., by the central the regions marked out by Hiouen Tsang comprising U. P., Behar, C. P. of modern times, and by the south the whole of South India beyond the Narbada. The Madhya (centre) would thus always be the centre of India, the North always the North of India, the Daksinatya or South the whole of Southern India. But one might argue that, if the technical meaning of the terms be taken, there can be no objection to the author of the lines referred to being a southern- er also, say a Chola or an Andhra, belonging to any part of India, for he is at liberty to use the terms in the same sense from all places. The objection is refuted by the other consideration about the normal and abnormal customs just discussed. Thus though the Southerner may call the man of the Punjab and Kashmir, &c., northerners in the special sense, and the other parts of India excluding Rajputana, &c. on the west and Bengal, &c ,on the east by the special name of Central India, and describe himself as a southerner in the technical sense given with reference to the whole of India (which is not likely), it is not at all probable that he would look upon the southerners, or his own countrymen as illustrating a social practice that is beyond the ‘norm.’ The same considera- tion goes against the author being a ‘north ’-man or a ‘ Madhyadesa’-man. This process of reasoning is adopted by George Buhler* 1 * to prove that Apastamba is a southerner. Thus, ‘‘Apastamba says (Dh. II, 7, 17, 17) that the custom of pouring water in the hands of Brahmanas invited to a Sraddha prevails among the northerners, and he indicates thereby that he himself does not belong to the north of India. If this statement is taken together with the above stated facts which tend to show that the Apastambiyas were and are restricted to the south of India, the most probable interpretation which A should be put on it is that Apastamba declares himself to be a southerner.” (1b) Other Lands. Whatever be the value of the hypothesis as to the author of Sukranlti being an Easterner, as understood by the Chinese pilgrims, and also by the Indians of the early Christian era, one thing is clear. The geographical know- ledge displayed by Sukracharyya is not confined to a particular area. The poets of the Sukra cycle are not home-bred men, their intellectual horizon covers the whole of India. They can think at once of the four quarters of the mother- land, even though conventionally. This has been apparent from the discussion in the preceding sub-section. That they were cognisant of ‘ new men, strange faces, other minds’ and did not think exclusively of the local area that was the scene of their activities would be indicated by several passages in the Sukraniti, which mention, though indefinitely, regions, religions and languages other than their own. Thus among the qualifications of the clerk or scribe® is mentioned that of “ knowing of the differences in countries and languages.” The statement that the system of measurements3 varies with countries points to the same experience of the writer beyond his own ‘country.’ The practice of undertak- ing distant tours is suggested by the advice that‘‘in foreign lands the follow- ing six are useful to men —wife without child, good conveyance, the bearer, the guard or guide, the knowledge that can be of use in relieving others’ miseries, and an active servant.”4 This practice of travel and life abroad is also indicated by the idea that “ the man6 who is not in a strange 1 Pp. xxviii-iv. Introduction to Apastamba und Gautama in tlie Sacred Books of the East Series. 1 Sukra II, 347-348 ; IY, 81-82. * Sukra II, 777-778. 4 Sukra III, 595-597. 6 Sukra III, 647. land enjoys happiness.” The prohibition of foreign travel1 to Sudra females, except in the company of the husband, similarly points to this. The comfort of living in the home and the discomfort of life and work abroad have been mentioned as factors which influence the soldiery also. Thus alienation of soldiers® is brought about by constant life and work in foreign lands.” The rule about ‘ travelling allowances ’ is another proof of experiences beyond the little ‘ platoon.’ 1'hese references, however, do not furnish any geographical information worthy of note. Nor do they point to anything like an all-India sentiment or knowledge or any extra-Indian experience. These are but vague and indefinite hints about things that are not purely local. (c) Definite Names. It has been mentioned above that as sources of positive geographical information, Nitis&stras are not very valuable. This is sufficiently. borne out by the fact that only the following five names occur in Sukraniti, a work of 4966 lines : (i) Simhala or Ceylon, (2) Gandaka, (3) Daksinatya, (4) Madhya- desa, (5) Khasa. i. Simhala Ceylon3 4 5 has been mentioned as an island, and its people are described as expert in making artificial pearls which should be carefully examined by customers before purchase. The connexion of Ceylon with general Indian history is immense and has been commercial, political, as well as cultural. Prof. Radha Kumud Mookerji* has, on the authority of Buddhist texts belong- ing to a period of a thousand years from 600 B. C , given evidences ‘‘which point to a complete navigation of the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean and the flow of a steady and ceaseless traffic between Bengal and Ceylon, Madras and Burma.” Mr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar of the Mysore Education Service in his Ancient India, a scholarly work on the early history of South India, has used old Tamil literature to prove the connexion of the Ceylonese with the Cholas, Cheras and Pandyas in particular, and Indian culture in general. Mr. Cunningham’s account of Ceylon in the Ancient Geography of India also throws fresh light on the subject : “ The famous island of Ceylon is not reckoned amongst the kingdoms of India, and it was not visited by the pilgrim (Houen Tsang) on account of political disturbances. * * * In the seventh century of our era Ceylon was known by the name of Seny-kia-lo, or Sinhala, which was said to be iderived from the lion-descended Sinhalu, whose son Vijaya is fabled to have conquered the island on the very day of Buddha’s death in B. C. 548. Its original name was Paochu, or “ Isle of Gems,” in Sanskrit Ratnadwipa." ii. Gandaka. The Gandaka® has been mentioned as a source of gems which may be regarded as natural images. The neighbourhood of the Gandaka is famous in 1 Sukra IV, 9-10. * Sukra IV, vii, 366-367. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 124 4 A History of Indian Shipping and Maritime Activity of the Indians (Longmans, 1912), pp. 29, 30, 34, 42, 44, 67, 70, 103, 113, 133, 140, 142, &c. 5 Sukra, IV, iv, 507-308. Buddhist history as it con tains the environs of Kusinagara, the scene of Buddha’s death. At the time of Houen Tsang’s visit the walls of Kusinagara were in ruins. According to Cunningham the spot where Buddha obtained Nirvana “ lies to the north-west of Anrudhwa, and to the west of the old channel of the Chota Gandaka' or Hiranyavati (golden) river and “ the spot where his body was burned ” lies to the north-east of Anrudhwa and to the east of the old channel of the Hit ana or Chota Gandaka.” We must look for Vaisali to the East of the Gandaka.” The position of the Gandaka may be inferred from the following description:1 2 “The utmost limit that can be assigned to the joint districts (Vaisali) is nop more than 750 or 800 miles in circuit from the foot of the mountains to the Ganges on the south, and from the Gandaka on the west to the Mahanadi3 on the east.” “According to Houen Tsang the country of the Vrijis was long from east to west and narrow from north to south. This description corresponds exactly with the tract of the country lying between the Gandaka and Mahanadi rivers, which is 300 miles in length and 100 miles in breadth.” It is possible to trace the tradition of gems being found in the bed of the Gandaka to literary4 sources. Perhaps the name of the river as Hiran and Hiranyavati, which means golden, may have something to do with it. Small pieces of stone which are worshipped as Visnu are still found in the bed of the Gandaka, and they are highly appreciated. The following is taken from the note on page 3 of Ethnographic Notes in Southern India by Edgar Thurston, Superintendent, Madras Government Museum : “ The Salagrama stone is a fossil ammonite, found in certain rivers, e.g , Gandaka, Son, &c., which is worshipped by Brahmans. The Salagrama is often adopted as the representative of some god, and the worship of any -god5 may be performed before it.” The following is taken from Mr. Nandalal Dey’s Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India :6 “The Gandak rises in the Sapta Gandaki cr Dhawalagiri range of the Himalaya which is the southern boundary of Central Tibet, and enters the plains at a spot called Tribeni Ghat. The source of the river is not far from Salagrama, which was the hermitage of Bharata and Pulaha. I he temple of Muktinatha (an image of Narayana) is on the south of Salagrama. Hence the river is called also Salagrami and Nara- yaui (Brahmavaivarita Parana)." 1 Ancient Geography of India (1871), p. 432 Kushinagara has been recently discovered by Pandit Hirananda of the Lucknow Museum at the village called Cassia in the district of Gorakhpur, U. P. 2 Cunningham’s Ancient Geography, pp. 444, 448. 3 The Mahanadi is the modern Mahananda flowing through the district oi Malda which contains the sites of ancient Gauda and Pandua, and not the Mahanadi of Orissa. « Devi Bhagavata IX, 17, 30-3G, IX, 19, 87-91, IX, 23, 23-38, IX, 24, 56-58. 5 See the names and forms of the deities on pp. 348-349 of Oppert's Original Inhabitants. 6 Pp. 19-29. (Newman & Co., Calcutta, 1899), In The Original Inhabitants of India1 by Mr. Gustav Oppert we have a long dissertation on the Salagr^ma and the Gandaka—with all the literary and religious traditions associated with them. In the Vardha Parana Gandaki expresses a wish to become the mother of Visnu, and the same desire is mentioned in the Lakshmi Narayana Samvada. The Padma Parana contains a story according to which Indra sent the nymph Manjuvacto disturb the penance of the sage Vedasiras, who cursed her that she might become a river, but kindly altered his decision in so far that she would become the holy river Gandaki in which Visnu would be re-born as the Salagrama stone. iii. Daksinatya. Daksinatya2 has been mentioned in Sukran\ti as the land where Brah- mans marry maternal uncles’ daughters. This has been discussed previously in connexion with the directions and divisions of India. It may be mentioned here that the term does not describe any one portion of India south of the Vindhyas, eg., the Bombay Deccan and the Madras Deccan, but the whole peninsula, and comprises all the nine separate kingdoms, exclusive of Ceylon, included in Houen Tsang’s Southern India, i.e., "the whole of the peninsula to the south of the Tapti and Mahanadi rivers, from Nasik on the west, to Ganjam on the east." What is now known as the Deccan plateau or at any rate, the Bombay section of the Deccan, had in Houen Tsang’s time, the special name of Maharastra and could not be described by the term Daksinatya. Maharastra1 2 3 was only one of the kingdoms of the Daksinatya or Southern India as described by Houen Tsang, and lay to the south-west of Harsa- vardhana’s empire, as Ganjam to the south-east. The following lines from the third section of the Early History of .the Deccan by Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar prove the antiquity of the word Maharastra as a separate name for a particular region, of peninsular India :— “ Whether the name Maharattha or Maharashtra had come into use in the time of Asoka does not appear clear from this, but that it was used in the early centuries of the Christian era admits of little doubt. In some inscriptions in the cave-temples at Bhaja, Bedsa and Karli which are to be referred to the second century, the male donors are called Maharathi and the female Maharatliini Of the old Prakrits the principal one was called Maharashtri because we are told it was the language of Maha- rashtra. Varahamihira also, who lived in the beginning of the sixth century, speaks of MahSr&shtra as a southern country.” In explaining the etymology of the word “ Dekkan " and its denotation, the same authority says : “ The word Dekkhan represents the vernacular pronunciation of the Sanskrit word Dakshina meaning ‘ Southern ’ used to designate the portion of the Indian peninsula lying to the south of the Narmada, The name more usually met with in Sanskrit works and elsewhere is Dakshinapatha or “ the southern region.” That this name was in 1 Pp. 337-59 (Archibald Constable and Co., London, 1893). 2 Sukra IV, v, 94. 3 Cunningham's Ancient Geography, p. 14. ordinary use in ancient times is shown by the fact that the author of the Periplus calls that portion of the country Dakshinabades. * * * Jlahshinapatha or Dakshina was the name of the whole peninsula south of the Narmada. Among the countries enumerated in the Markandeya, Vayu, and Matsya Puranas as comprised in Dakshinapatha are those of the Cholas, Pandyas and Keralas, which were situated in the extreme south of the peninsula and correspond to the modern provinces of Tanjor, Madura and Malabar.” Daksinatya is therefore not identical with Mahdrastra, as the popular notion seems to be, in which sense Sir Bhandarkar has taken it for his celebrat- ed Early History. A historical account of peninsular India or the Daksinatya has been written from original sources by Mr. Aiyangar in Ancient India? from which the following is quoted : “ When Yuwan Chwang (Hiuen Tsang) travelled through the country in A.D. 640 we And India marked out into three clearly defined political divisions. Harshavar- dhana ruling over Hindusthan to the frontiers of Assam; Pulikesin IT of the Maha- rashtra at Badami with his younger brother at Rajamahendri ; and Narasimhavarman Pallava at Kanchi.” “ These two dynasties (Chalukya and Pallava) with their capitals respectively at Kanchi and Badami (near Bijapur) continued the struggle for empire and were seen fighting constantly on the Tungabhadra-Krishna frontier.” iv. Madhyadesa. The probable site of Madhyadesa also has been discussed in connection with the directions and divisions of India. I have taken it in the technical sense of the term as understood in Houen Tsang’s time. “ It extended from the Sutlej to the head of the Gangetic Delta and from the Himalaya mountains to the Narbada and Mahanadi rivers. It comprised all the richest and most populous districts of India with the single exception of the Gangetic Delta or Bengal proper. Of the seventy3 separate states of India that existed in the seventh century, no less than thirty-seven, or more than one-half, belonged to central India.” Manu Samhitd, however, defines Madhyadesa to be the land between the Saraswati (that loses itself in the sands) on the west and Allaha- bad on the east and between the Himalayas on the north and the Vindhyas on the south. The tract is thus smaller in extent than Houen Tsang’s area. But, as previously explained, it is difficult at present to specify the region meant by the authors of the Sukra cycle. It is clear, at any rate, that it cannot denote the land of aboriginal hill-tribes in the Central India of modern times, simply because beef-eating, fish-eating and unchastity have been mentioned as some of the characteristics of its people. v. Khasa. Khasa denotes both country and race in the Suhraniti. Khasa’ has been mentioned as the country of an abnormal social custom where “ people marry the widows of their brothers.” Khasa is an old term in Hindu literature i P. 224, 43. i Cunningham’s Ancient Geography, p. 328. The text has “ seventy ” ; but the number actually described is eighty-two, from which, deducting Persia and Ceylon, the true number of kingdoms is eighty. ' Sukra IV, v, 98. mentioned in Visnu Purana, Manu Samhita, &c. The following extract from Stein’s Raj Tarangini throws considerable light on this people: “ In the South and West (of Kashmir) the adjacent hill-regions were occupied by Khasas. Their settlements extended as shown by numerous passages in the Chronicle in a wide semicircle from Kastvar in the south-east to the Vitasta valley in the west. The hill states of Rajapuri and Lohara were held by Khasa1 2 3 fami- lies ; the dynasty of the latter territory succeeded to the rule of Kashmir in the eleventh century. I have shown elsewhere that the Khasas are identical with the Khakha tribe, to which most of the petty chiefs in the Vitasta valley below Kashmir and in the neighbouring hills belong. We have already seen that the Khakhas have until very recent times worthily maintained the repu- tation which their forefathers enjoyed as marauders and turbulent hill-men.” “Owing to its position on the most direct route to the Punjab, Rajapuri was necessarily often brought into political relations with Kashmir. When Houen Tsang passed through it, the kingdom of Rajapuri was subject to Kashmir. From the tenth century onwards we find the chiefs of Rajapuri as practically independent rulers.” Houen Tsang does not give any account of the hill- tribes he passed through. It is, however, not possible to make out the antiquity of the word Khasa. It may be mentioned in passing that the word occurs in the copper-plate of Narayana-Pala* discovered at Bhagalpur recording a gift for the “ dispensation of medicines to the sick, and food and shelter to the indigent.” Section 3. General Aspect oj the Country. The physical features or relief of the country described in Sukraniti can be understood but vaguely from the incidental references to hills and rivers, seas and islands. (a) Hills. That hills and mountains were some of the familiar sights to the poets of the Sukra cycle would be evident from the simile which compares the stature of an elephant with the peak of a mountain'1 as well as the mention of the fact that when people became miserable through abject poverty they used to leave this world out of despair and have resort to hills.4 The strategic importance of hills and mountains was also understood. Thus the site of the capital city is to be not very far from the hills.8 These are perhaps to be regarded as the store-house of mineral and other resources in normal times, as well as strong defences against foreign aggression in times of danger. That the hills should be made to serve the purpose of ramparts for the capital situated in the plains is clear from the following suggestion of 1 Stein’s Raj Tarangini, Vol. II, pp. 430, 433. 2 Mitra's Indo-Aryuns, Vol. II, pp. 267—74. Also Manu 10.44. The Khasas have been mentioned by Varahamihira in Briliat Samhitd (6th Cent. A.D.) 3 Sukra I, 205-6. 4 Sukra III, 372-74. ‘ Sukra I, 425-28 5 Sukracharyya:—“The wall (of the Capital city) should have many strong shrubs and have a system of well-built windows, and if a hill is not hard by,' should have a praliprakara or a second wall but less than itself in height.” Among the various fortresses mentioned in Section vi of Chapter IV there are giridurgas2 or hill-forts which are described as being on high level and well- supplied with water. These forts1 * 3 are known to be the best of all in point of military efficiency as presenting the greatest amount of difficulties to enemies. Thus “ the fort that is protected by ditches only is the lowest of all, and the hill-fort is the best.” It is not probable that the regions for which this Nitisastra is intended are mountainous or rocky in any special degree. The hills do not seem to have been the characteristic features of the lands, though they have been mentioned as some of the objects with which people become familiar through travel. “ Through travel the numerous religious customs, materials, animals, races of men, hills,4 etc. come within the cognisance of man.” (b) Rivers. The country of the poets of the Sukra cycle is not only a land of hills but it is also a land of rivers. The suggestion that the capital should be built at a place that is bestirred by the movements of boats3 indicates the importance given to rivers by Sukra in his description pf an ideal economico-political organisation. That the authors were very familiar with rivers would be evident from the political application that naturally suggested itself to them in the matter of diplomatic relations. Thus in advising rulers to bow down to powerful enemies Sukracharyya illustrates his point by the mention of the fact that the ‘cloud never moves against the current of the wil d ’ and that ‘the rivers6 never leave the downward course.’ A common natural phenomenon has been here pressed into service to explain what in terms of modern statesmanship would be called ‘ moving along the line of least resistance.’ So also in advising the king to restrain passions and try cases or administer Vyavaliaras according to Dharma, the author mentions that the subjects follow the king who does this, “as the rivers the ocean.”7 The fact that Sukracharyya has to lay down the humane rule that if a “ bound-down ” or asiddha person8 violates the limita- tions imposed upon him when swimming a river, &c., he is not guilty (and should not be punished) is also an evidence in point.” The rule that “ anybody who can save somebody’s wealth from absolute destruction owing to the ravages of water or deluge9,(from rivers, &c.) has right to one-tenth” points to the same adaptation of juristic ideas to the physical features of the country. Rivers are no negligible features in the topography of the country for which Sukracharyya’s code has been designed. The fact that rivers’0 are very 1 Sukra I, 478-9. 5 Sukra I, 425-28. 1 Sukra IV, vi, 8-9. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 492. * Sukra IV, vi, 11-12. 7 Sukra IV, v, 210-211. 4 Sukra III, 262-63. e Sukra IV, v, 564-64. 8 Sukra IV, v, 601-2. 10 Sukra III, 283-284, “ one should not trust the abodes (beds or channels) of rivers.” changeful and constantly shift their beds was well-known. And the advice* that one should not cross the rivers by arms or get into a boat that is likely to give way, indicates the familiarity of the authors with rivers. These are to be wisely used in the interests of the state’s commerce. Means must be adopted to make them highways of water-traffic, as also the impediments presented by them to land-communication must be removed. That rivers should not be allow- ed to remain barriers to intercourse, as naturally they are, is sufficiently suggested in the following advice : “ Bridges should be constructed over rivers.® There should also be boats and water-conveyances for crossing the rivers.” “Roads are to be povided with bridges.”3 But rivers have been mentioned in Sukranltispecially in connexion with agriculture and land-revenue, and the inferences that can be made from accounts of the natural resources of the state do also point to the import- ance of rivers as sources of the country’s national wealth. The observation of Herodotus that ‘Egypt is the gift of the Nile’ is in the Hindu sage’s language expressed by saying that the lands are the ' daughters ’ of rivers, or rivers are the * 1 mothers ’ of soils. But rivers are not the sole irrigators of lands, there are other mothers of lands also e.g., rains, tanks, wells, &c. In the assess- ment of lands the ruler is advised to make a distinction between land and land on the basis of the nature of the source of water-supply. Thus “the king should realise one-third, one-fourth, or one-half from places which are irrigated by tanks, canals and wells, by rains and by rivers respectively.” The equity of this diversity of assessment lies in the fact that where rivers are irrigators the cultivation is certain, and hence the Government demand is heaviest. But Sukracharyya is also aware of the fact that, though rivers are superior to all other sources of irrigation in point of certainty, the moisture yielded by them, however, is not copious,—and do in fact yield the palm to clouds which, though precarious and uncertain, give abundant water when they do pour down their contents. The difference between rivers and clouds is like that between ordinary well-to-do men and sovereigns in the matter of riches. And the analogy that naturally suggests itself is expressed in the following lines : “ Can the nourishment that is due to the rain-water from clouds be derived from the water of rivers4 &c.? So also the promotion of the people’s weal depends on the property of the king. Can this accrue from the wealth of the rich folk ?” From the above account of rivers* it would have been sufficiently clear that the authors of the Sukra cycle were well-acquainted with the importance of rivers in Politics, Commerce, Agriculture and Public Finance, and that the general aspect of the country is that of a plain intersected by rivers rather than that of rugged mountainous defiles and precipices. 1 Sukra III, 52-53. * Sukra TV, iv, 125 129. 3 Sukra I, 35. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 227-229, cf. also Chapter III, 552-554. “ Agriculture which is said to have rivers for mothers is a good occupation,” 1 Sukra V, 14-10. (c) Seas. Coming now to the hydrosphere of Sukracharyya’s country we find that the sea is a familiar sight with the poets of the Sukra cycle. The connexion between the moon and the sea is too well-known to all Hindu poets. In describing or defining the seven constituent elements of a state Sukracharyya characterises the first element, the sovereign, as by nature or by connotation of the term the person who is the cause of the prosperity of this world, is respected by the experienced and old people and gives pleasur& to the eyes (of the people) as the moon to the sea."1 2 A phenomenon connected with the sea which appears to have been very familiar with the poets or at least known to them by hearsay, viz., the maritime navigation by boats, is very naturally pressed into service by the poet in describing the evils resulting from the imperfections of the ruler. Thus we read that " if the king is not a perfect guide his subjects will get into trouble as a boat without the helmsman sinks in a sea.’’® The comparison of the king with a kartiadhara3 or helmsman piloting the ‘ship of the state ’ is very suggestive. Nor is this all. I'he importance of sea and maritime commerce is adequately recognised by the statesmen of the Sukra cycle in the plan they have framed for the site and structure of the Capital city. It is to be situated at a place which, like the ‘ city of the seven hills’ in ancient Italy, is to be near, but yet distant from, the sea. Pliny ascribed much of the importance of Rome to this condition. We find Sukracharyya also suggesting that the spot is to be “bestirred by the movements of boats up to the seas.” The capital is to enjoy the advantages of both rivers and seas. Communication with the sea has thus been recognised as an integral factor of the state’s commercial wealth. It is also an element of the sovereign’s political importance and dignity. The ambition of sway- ing the destiny of an empire from sea to sea or ruling the world encircled by the ocean has always fired the enthusiasm of Hindu kings and statesmen as would be evident from even a superficial study of Sanskrit literature a3 well as the inscriptions4 5 on copper-plates and other materials describing gifts of lands, &c., to worthy persons or to the gods by sovereigns and ministers.® Flatterers and sycophants as well as court-poets when applauding the merits of their protectors never stop short of the reference to the seas as the natural boundaries of their conquered territories. This ideal of having an 1 Sukra 1,127-28. 2 Sukra I, 129-30. ” The mention of navikas, boatmen or sailors, in connexion with the various crafts or industries to be maiutaiued by the King (II, 404-5) also points to the importance of rivers and seas in the topography of Sukraniti. 4 Sukra I, 425-28. 5 Mr. Aiyangar's Ancient India contains various accounts of the maritime importance of the Chola Empire and Kingdoms in South India; and Mr. Akuhay Kumar Maitra’s Gaudalekhamald or the Manual of the Inscriptions of the Palas and Sens of Bengal gives numerous evidences of the natural ambition of rulers to bo master of the seas. empire bounded only by the sea is also present in the imagination of Sukracharyya, who, in urging the necessity of moral education of princes, sets before them this laudable mission of their lives as a sufficient spur to their self-culture. Thus, “ how can the man who is unable to subdue one’s mind master the world extending to the sea?”1 * Verily, the sea is the natural limit of one’s ambition—the “scientific frontier ” of Indian Napoleons. An indirect knowledge of the sea and its inmates is suggested in the lines which advise people always to be humble and modest. Thus “ the wise man should never consider ‘ 1 am superior to all, I am more learned than others,’ for one should remember that there is the animal which devours the devourer of whales,3 Raghava is the devourer of that even, and there is the destroyer of Raghava." The whale is certainly a sea-animal, and the mammoth fish Raghava is a monstrous marine creature celebrated in Hindu folk-lore. Among the islands of the sea we have found that Sinhala or Ceylon has been mentioned definitely by name as the place where people can make artificial pearls. References to islands are to be met with only in two other places in this treatise. Thus in describing the grades of rulers in the order of their revenue Sukracharyya mentions the highest as the Sarvabhauma3 or the paramount sovereign to be the ruler whose income, calculated according to modern Indian monetary standards, would exceed Rs. 416,666,666, and “to whom the earth with its seven islands is ever bound.” The second mention of islands is in connexion with the punishment of offenders. “ Persons who are wicked by nature should be expelled from the commonwealth and bound and transported to islands.”4 The use of islands as convict settlements is unmistakably suggested here. From the foregoing description of general physical features of the country as are suggested by casual references or “ internal evidences,” it is not at all possible to make any definite inference as to the exact locale or surroundings in the midst of which Sukran\ti might have been composed. The accounts are all of a very general character and cannot be traced to any special sets of geographical influences. It is, however, certain that the country does not present a dull monotony or uniformity of physical aspects, both in lithosphere and hydrosphere. Section 4. Climate and Soils. The same diversity and variety of natural facts and phenomena of the land of Sukracharyya would also be clear from an analysis of the other aspects of its physiography, e.g., its meteorology, geology and vegetation. /. Meteorology. Though Sukranlti is not a text-book of physical geography, the varied atmospherical and climatological conditions of the country familiar to the authors 1 Sukra I, 197-198. J Sukra I, 368-74. 3 Sukra III, 446-447. 4 Sukra IV, 215-216, can be gathered from various duties prescribed to kings and people as well as from the description of customs and rites during the several periods of the year and from the metaphors or similes occasionally used in elucidating or illustrat- ing the ideas. Heavenly Bodies The sovereign is the lord of both '‘movable and immovable worlds;”1 and among the thirty-two vidyas or sciences there is the mention of Jyotisa as one of the six Vedangas or branches of learning auxiliary to the study of the Vedas It is the science which “ measures time by studying the movements of naksa/ras (stars) and grahas3 (planets)” and the aid of other sciences. Besides, it is said that the movements, shape and nature of the naksatras3 (stars) are one of the factors in the division of time into epochs or periods. In all these instances it is evident that Sukracharyya displays a knowledge of the heavenly bodies, both planetary and fixed, and is acquainted with the facts of their movements and their effects on time. Some of these heavenly bodies have a double character—first, as members of the Solar System governing the conditions of time, season, «&c., as noticed above, and, secondly, as apotheosised into divine beings and made rulers of certain directions of the Universe. The sun and the moon are two such gods in Hindu mythology, and Sukracharyya mentions that the sovereign, besides being made out of the permanent elements of other gods,4 e.g., Indra, Vayu, Yama, Fire, Varuna and Kuvera (who are the lords of six specified regions marked out by six points of the compass), has in him the attributes of the sun and the moon also. Thus ‘‘ just as the moon pleases human beings by its rays, so also the king satisfies everybody by his virtues and activities,” Also, “ as the sun is the dispeller of darkness (and the creator of light), so the king is the founder of religion and destroyer of irreligion.” Besides the above comparison of the king with the heavenly bodies which is a common device in all Nitisastras, the poets of the Sukra cycle have dis- played another popular fancy about the orbs of the celestial world. The nine Maharatnas or great gems mentioned in Sukraniti have each a deity presiding over it. These deities have to be satisfied by people by putting on the gem that is favourite to each. These deities are the navagrahab or nine planets of the heavenly firmament, viz., the Sun, the Moon, the Mars, the Mercury, the Jupiter, the Venus, the Saturn, the Rahu and the Ketu. The subject will be treated at length in the chapter on precious stones and metals. It may be mentioned here, in passing, that the colour attributed to these deities apotheosised out of the heavenly bodies, the navagralia, in the propitiatory hymns addressed to them exactly corresponds with the colour and lustre of the Maharatnas,—vajra, mukta, pravala, gomeda, indranila, vaiduryya, pusyar&ga, pachi and m&ntkya which are supposed to be the favourites of those beings respectively. 1 Sukra I, 141-143, 3 Sukra IV, iii. 88-89. * Sukra I, 41-42. 4 Sukra I, 14-1151, The Sun. The Sun has been already referred to as having something to do with Time in its capacity as a member of the Solar System. Its second character is that of a deity who gives light, whose attributes the king possesses. Its third character is that of one of the navagrahns, in which capacity it is to be propi- tiated by people by the use of the manikya1 or ruby, “ which has red colour and the bright lustre of the Indragopa insect.” Besides these super-terrestrial references, the mundane phenomena of the Sun as the “dispeller of darkness ”* and the source of heat have also been mentioned in Suktanlti. Among the general rules of life it is stated that one should not always look to the Sun (III, 61). Suluacharyya compares the companionship of wicked characters to the rays of the burning Sun : “One should abandon the company of bad men which is terrible like the desert scorched by the summer Sun,3 frightening and inhospitable.” The Sun’s rays, however, are not all terrible, they are of varying degrees. So it is only towards enemies that the king should display his character of the ,4 summer Sun.”4 But towards his own people he should present the milder front of the “ Spring Sun.”6 As to the division of time noted above it is mentioned that there are three systems of temporal measurements. “Time is divided according to three systems—solar movement,6 lunar movement (period from full moon to full moon, i.e., two fortnights) arid according to Savana (period from morning to morning, i.e.t 24 hours).” These three7 systems do not yield equal results, the solar day being longer than the lunar; and so it is suggested that “ in making payments of wages one should always take the solar8 time, in aug- menting interest, the lunar time.” The Moon. The Moon, also, like the sun, has three-fold characteristics : (1) those of a member of the solar system governing time, seasons, &c., (2) those of a deity who gives pleasure, whose attributes the king possesses, and (3) those of the apotheosised celestial being who has to be propitiated by people by the use of its favourite gem, viz., mukta9 “ which is of red, yellow, white and syatua (greenish blue) colour.” In Sukranlti, the sun and the moon have been mentioned very often together :l 2° and this not only with reference to the super-mundane affairs as 1 Sukra IV, ii, 84-92. 2 Sukra I, 116. s Sura I, 325-26. ‘ Sukra II, 566-67 5 Sukra II, 566-67. 6 Sukra II, 788-789. 7 Sukra II, 789-790. e Sukra IV, ii 85. 9 Prof. Yogesa Chandra Ray has treated the subject very elaborately in his schola y work in Bengali on The Astronomy and Astronomers of the Hindus. 10 In describing feathers and hairy rings called bhrcimas on the horse’s body Sukra says that two such marks on the forehead with space between indicate good and are like t heSun and the Moon. (IV, vii, 206-207). noticed above, but also in the matter of secular references. Thus, if the influence of bad men is like that of the burning sun, that of good people is like that of the moon. “The man who is attended by good men gratifies the heart in the same way as the moon* 1 with its cool rays pleases the tank with its newly blossomed lotuses.” This parallelism is carried forward to the elucidation of the various attitudes the king should have. Thus, if he should be the summer Sun to enemies, and the spring Sun to his own people, he should bear the attitude of the autumn Moon to the learned people. The autumn is the season after the rains, hence very clear and generally cloudless ; and the moon would then shine in all its glory. The king who has this attitude must have the most pleasant bent of mind ; and this is what should be his mood towards the learned people. But the sun in spring season is hot enough, though milder than the summer sun ; and this blending of mildness with severity should characterise his relations with the subjects, whereas he is to be solely severe and terrible towards the enemies. Again, as mentioned above, not only the sun, but also the moon governs the time. Among the three systems of temporal measurements2 one is that of the division of time according to lunar movement, and this is to be adopted when the object is to augment the interest. In Indian literature, generally, the moon plays an exceptionally conspicu- ous part The poets of the Sukra cycle also have given indications of this partiality in their composition. We meet with references to the moon alone over and above the parallelism or antithesis between itself and the sun, as detailed above. Thus, it was mentioned in connexion with the sea that “ the king is the cause of prosperity of this world, &c., and gives pleasure to the eyes of the people as the moon to the sea.” Then again, in enumerat- ing the divine parts or attributes of the sovereign, Sukra asserts that he should possess all the qualities of the eight gods. Otherwise, he is a medi- ocre. “As the moon’ does not shine well if deprived of one of its parts, so the king does not flourish unless he has all the parts described above.” The moon is thus beautiful and splendid only when it is full. But there are beauties and beauties; so the beauty of the moon, when deprived of some of its parts, say a quarter or a half or even seven-eighths,6 is not insignificant. The shape of the half moon is a beautiful sight to the poets of the Sukra cycle, who have suggested that “the capital should have the beautiful shape of the half moon7 or circle or square.” The moon in Indian literature is not only a stand- ard of beauty, but is also a common object-lesson of gradual growth. Thus the crown-prince is “ to grow slowly like the portion of the moon8 in the bright fortnight.” There is another convention with Hindu poets regarding the parts of the moon. If the waxing of the moon in parts through a whole fortnight supplies the analogy for the development of adolescence in infants, especially » Sukra I, 323-324. 2 Sukra II, 566-567. 3 The Astronomical knowledge of the poets of the Sukra cycle will be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. ' Sukra I, 429-430. 1 Sukra I, 127-128. 7 Sukra II, 101. * Sukra I, 152. 8 Sukra III, 432-433. princes and princesses, tlie waning or the gradual reduction of its parts through- out the dark fortnight supplies the stock-in-trade for comparison with the giving away of wealth and property in charity. In the chapter on general rules of morality for the people, Sukracharyya thus describes the effects of gifts: “In this world there is nothing more capable of subduing others than charity and simplicity. The moon1 * that has waned through gifts, when waxing, is beautiful, though in the form of a curve.” Here we have both the beauty of the curve and the comparison of giving away with waning in the same line. It has to be noted, moreover, that shape is only one of the elements in the beauty of the moon. The other element is lustre. Sukracharyya mentions it when describing a weapon of war, e.g., the “ Ksurapranta which is high to the navel, has a strong fist and the lustre® of the moon.” The Atmosphere. We have seen above that the ambition of paramount sovereigns in India was never restricted to the lithosphere and that in quest of victory they must reach and govern the hydrosphere also. The glory of swaying even the atmos- phere is, likewise, another touchstone of monarchical sovereignty. With Hindu poets it is a common device in extolling their heroes to cry them up to the skies, both literally and figuratively. The man or sovereign whose fame does not reach the skies is not a famous person indeed. Kalidasa in introducing the rulers of the solar dynasty to the readers of his celebrated Raghuvamsani mentions their mastery of the three worlds, the land, the water and the aerial regions in one short line, asamudra-k§itisdndm anakarathavartmanam (i.e., his heroes were rulers whose sway included the earth and the sea and whose chariots used to traverse the highways of the sky). Sukracharyya, therefore, in order to make his precepts of discipline and self-control palatable to the princes, does not forget to give them a sugar- coating by mentioning the glorious and enviable results of practising them in life. Thus, *' of the monarch who has conquered his senses, and who follows the Nitisastra, prosperity is in the ascendant and fame reaches the skies.”3 There is another reference to the sky in Sukranlti. This is in connexion with the adoption of proper policies and methods of work with regard to friends and foes. “ By appropriate means the terrestrial beings can soar into the sky1 and even the thunder can be pierced.” The efficacy of human intelligence is here illustrated by allusion probably to the air-chariots of ancient times, called Vimanas or Puspakarathas which have had a strong hold on Hindu popular tradition. Such an air-chariot piercing the thunder, />., going beyond the region of clouds, &c., and traversing the whole distance of India from Ceylon in the South to Ayodhya in Upper India has been immortalised by Kalidasa in the 13th canto of Raghuvamsam. 1 Sukra III, 432-433. a Sukra IV, vii, 427. 5 Sukra I, 301-302. 4 Sukra IV, 50. The Air or Vayu has been mentioned as one of the eight gods whose attributes the king possesses. Its function is propagation or diffusion. Thus “ as Vayu1 is the spreader (and diffuser) of scents, so is the king the generator (and cause) of good and evil actions ” The current of the air has been suggested in the line which advises the king to move along the line of least resistance, just as “ clouds do not move against the wind.” The poets of the Sukra cycle have also mentioned the air as the friend of fire in order to draw the moral that Right always should follow Might and that morality does not flourish where there is no strength. The precept is given in the following lines : “ One should follow niti or the moral rules so long as one is powerful. People remain friends till then ; just as the wind2 3 is the friend of the burning fire.” A common phenomenon regarding the air has also been recorded : “ It is possible to protect the lamp with its wick and oil from the wind5 with great care.” Clouds and rains have been often referred to in Sukranlli, as we have seen above in connexion with rivers. Rains4 are some of the physical factors in the division of time into periods or epochs. The analogy by which the poets of the Sukra cycle illustrate the advantages of punctuality, regularity and keeping to time generally, indicates the very important place rains occupy in the physical and economic conditions of the people among whom they lived. The work done at the time appointed for it is certain to produce good results. Thus rains6 in time give rise to plenty, but otherwise are highly injurious. In India, the land of monsoons, where people depend on the rains for cultivation, uncertainty and precariousness of the rainy season mean famine and ruin. This observation of the author, therefore, is certainly to be attributed to one of the predominant features of the physical environment. The same idea has been repeated in section i of Chapter IV : “ Where the clouds do not pour rain6 in season, there the lands are not productive and the commonwealth deteriorates, &c.” The lands that are irrigated by clouds pouring their contents upon them are said to be devamatyika, i.e., to have the gods or natural agencies, e.g., Indra the cloud-god, for their parent ; just as lands watered by rivers are known to be nadimdtrika, i.e., to have them as their mothers. We have noticed previously that Sukracharyya’s Land-Revenue-Policy is equitable and elastic. Thus, where rain is the source of moisture, agricul- ture is precarious and uncertain, since the monsoons do often fail. Hence, the demand of the Government is to be very small compared with that from lands irrigated otherwise. “ The king should realise one-third, one-fourth or one- half from places which are irrigated by tanks, canals and wells, by rains’ and The Clouds, 1 Sukra I, 145. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 376-377, 3 Sukra I, 41-42. 4 Sukra I, 573-574. 6 Sukra I, 106. 6 Sukra IV, i, 122-123. by rivers respectively.” It has also been noticed above in connexion with rivers that, though rivers are certain when compared with rains, they cannot however yield the plenty that nature does. Thus “can the nourishment that is due to rain-water from clouds1 be derived from the water of rivers?” There are two other references to clouds in Sukranlti, one is about their colour. The Maharatna Indranila which is Saturn’s favourite, has the “colour of black clouds.”4 The other reference mentions them as the source or mother of pearls.5 This will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. The Seasons* The foregoing accounts of the country of the poets of the Sukra cycle leave no doubt that, generally speaking, it is (i) a land of the powerful sun and (2) a land of rains. It is thus both hot and moist. It is a noteworthy fact that there is no reference to extreme cold throughout the whole treatise, though there often occurs the idea of extreme heat. All the six Indian seasons of two months each have been mentioned in the treatise; and their explanation has been given to be the influence of temperature {i.e., hot and cold) and moisture (i.e., dry and wet). Sukracharyya divides Time in two ways: (1) Social or human, i.e., historical, according to the events and movements in man’s social life, e.g., the age of Asoka, the epoch of the Reformation, &c., and (2) Physical, according to (a) the seasons and (b) the rotations and revolutions in the solar system which bring in days, nights, months, years. We have already alluded to the influence of the “ movements, shape and nature of the planets ” in connexion with the heavenly bodies. Here we shall point out the references in Sukranlti to the weather and seasons affecting the country’s climate as determined by heat' and cold as well as drought and moisture. The summer6 7 which presents the sun scorching the desert has been already noticed ; and we have also found that the king should present the front of the summer sun’ towards the enemies. The summer being a terribly hot season, Sukra’s advice to horsemen and jockeys of the Cavalry Department is that they should ride the horse8 in the evening during that period, and to gardeners® that they should water the plants twice a day in the morning and evening. Again, as for the seasons of warfare, the “summer10 is the worst.” In India the summer is technically known to be the period of two months from the middle of April to the middle of June. The rainy season extends from the middle of June, when the monsoon generally sets in to the middle of August. We have already noticed the 1 Sukra Y, 14-15. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 90. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 117-118. 4 See the summary of Kalidasa’s Ritusamhara or ‘ Cycle of Seasons’ in Maedonell’s History of Sans. Literature, p. 337. 6 Sukra I, 41-42. 8 Sukra IV, vii, 2G6-267. " Surka I, 325-32G. 9 Sukra IV, iv, 105-106. 7 Sukra II, 566-567, >° Sukra IV, vii, 446-448, importance given by the poets of the Sukra cycle to the regularity or punctu- ality of the rains, also the place they occupy in the economy of nature from a calculation of which equitable assessments of Land Revenue are to be made. In the rainy season horses require to be carefully treated, and Sukra’s positive advice to horsemen1 * is not to use them during that period. It is not a good season for the use of carriages,3 cars or chariots. Nor is it a convenient time for warfare. “ In the rainy season3 war is not at all appreciated, peace is desirable then.” But it is very convenient for gardeners and agriculturists who are advised never to water the plants4 during this period. The Indian Seasons have played a great part in the history of Indian warfares. The monsoons which give rise to tempests and heavy downpours, swollen rivers, and malarial swamps have decided the issue of many battles and sieges in Eastern India. Relativity of politics to geographical environ- ment is nowhere better illustrated than in the influence of the rains and rivers in Bengal and Assam. Can this, however, point indirectly to the locale or surroundings of the poets of the Sukra cycle ? The autumn is a delightful season in India, generally cloudless, or rather with deceptive invisible clouds, extending from the middle of August to the middle of October. The autumn moon is celebrated in Indian poetry, because its lustre is then gloriously set off against the background of a pure blue sky. We have seen that Sukracharyya, in advising the sovereign to put on his most agreeable attitude when he has to receive learned men, asks him to be like the autumn moon. As for riders, they are enjoined to use the horse6 in the morning in this season. The autumn is also one of the best seasons11 for warfare. hTe Hemanta is the season which forebodes the advent of winter. It extends from the middle of October to the middle of December. There are only two references to Hemanta in Sukraniti, both in connexion with military affairs. The Hemanta,7 being a mild season, of decaying heat and increasing cold, horses may be used both in the morning and evening. It is also, like autumn, one of the best seasons for warfare,8 The winter is the next two months and has been mentioned in connexion with the riding of horses and also as a season for warfare. As in the preceding season, horses may be used both in the morning and evening in winter. It is likewise the most convenient period of the year for military operations. It is also enjoined that gardeners need not water the plants every day in winter;9 they should do this every alternate day. As we have said above, the Sukra poets have dilated on the summer and its effects, but about the cold and the effects of winter generally they are very reticent. There is a mention of hima as one of the agencies that may injuriously attack the grains of the fields. But it is not clear what the purport seems to be. It may mean both dews and 3 Sukra IV, vii, 352-353, 3 Sukra IV, vii, 446-448. 4 Sukra IV, iv, 105-106. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 268. s Sukra IV, vii, 266-267. 6’ Sukra IV, vii, 446-448. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 266-267. 8 Sukra IV, vii, 446-448. snows. The king has been advised to preserve in a store-house against future calamities such “ grains as have not been attacked by poisons, fire or snows' (dews ?) or eaten by worms and insects, &c.” There may be a presumption that the summer being the principal season of the area within which the poets lived has left its influence upon their work ; while the winter there being only one of the six seasons, and of no considerable inclemency, has been but scantily noticed and has had a very subsidiary effect on the poets’ thought and life. If anything can be argued from the negative, it may be mentioned, as we have had reasons to state above, that the country of the poets of the Sukra cycle is a land pre-eminently of the summer and the rainy seasons. The last Indian season is the Spring extending from the middle of Febru- ary to the middle of April. It is the season par excellence of Hindu poets, the period of the hegemony of Madana, the Cupid of Hindu mythology. But the poets of the Sukra cycle are too prosaic statesmen and diplomats to be swayed by the conventions of orthodox poetical style. In fact, the whole work of Sukra- charyya bears throughout the character of a serious matter-of-fact treatise on the most momentous problems of human life ; and the authors have systemati- cally and consistently maintained their dignity by not indulging in a single superfluous epithet or unnecessary descriptions and digressions in the interest of rhetoric, word-painting or the like; though no doubt the arrangement is occasionally diffuse and inconsequential, as in the works of Adam Smith and Montesquieu. Sukraaiti is the last work to be handled for specimens of literary grace or embellishments. This is unfortunately one of the many reasons which prevent it from being characterised as the work of a certain epoch of literary history. Its style is that of solid scientific Sanskrit and cannot be easily put into one of the classes of ordinary poetry in Sanskrit literature. This will be elaborately discussed in a subsequent chapter. There are four references to the spring in Sukran\ti. The first is that in which the king is advised to be like the spring-sun, *>., neither too mild nor too severe, in the treatment of his own people. The second is in connexion with the use of horses. As in the Hemanta and winter, one should ride the horse both in the morning and evening in the spring season.' The third reference describes it as a good season2 for warfare, better than the rains and the summer but worse than the autumn, Hemanta and winter. The fourth mention of the spring is in connexion with the watering of plants during this period. This is advised to be done in the fifth part of the day, i.e., in the afternoon. II. Geology. As could be inferred from the accounts given above, the country of Sukra- charyya is mainly agricultural. From the diverse references to the occupations of the people it would be apparent that the soil is one which is fit for pasture and agriculture. And from the frequent mention of grasses, woods, forests and other signs of rank luxuriant vegetable growth, also, one could easily infer that the crust of the earth is made up of damp alluvial soil. But the poets of the Sukra Cycle know of other regions besides these fertile plains. They mention deserts scorched by the summer sun, as we have noticed above. Among fortresses' there are those in deserts also, and these are superior to the forts which are surrounded on all sides by ditches only. Then there are the “ barren and rocky soils ”2 from which, according to the humane legislation of Sukracharyya, the king should realise only one-sixth as Government Revenue, as opposed to one-half from lands irrigated by rivers. Sukra mentions “uneven”3 grounds also, and advises the horsemen to take special care in, or rather refrain from, using those regions. It is not clear, however, what is meant by ‘uneven’ lands. 'I here may be a reference to ordinary undulations as are to be met with often in plains, or even to hilly tracts which are uneven wholesale. The treatise of Sukracharyya contains several references to the earth underground. That the earth carries in its womb precious metals is a common- place idea in Hindu literature. Possession of wealth is, in fact, an attribute of the earth. Sukracharyya also says: “ The man who is powerful, intelligent and valorous enjoys the earth4 full of its wealth.” This is Sukra’s version of the idea contained in the adage Virabhogya Vasundhara (the Vasundhard, the earth, which bears wealth can be enjoyed by the heroes alone). ‘ Mines ,£i have been often mentioned as one of the sources of Government Revenue. The section on Treasure gives details about precious stones, metals and other mineral pro- ducts.0 This will be treated fully in the next chapter—The Data of Ancient Indian Mineralogy. The mention of sulphur1 and Suvarchi salt (Saltpetre) in connection with the preparation of gunpowder may, however, be noted here. Section 5. Flora and Fauna. We have found the country described in Sukranlti to be a land of diverse natural and physical features. Its wealth of mineral resources lias also been hinted at in the last section. Nor is the land poor in its vegetable and animal denizens. The poets of the Sukra Cycle have nothing to do directly with plants, trees and shrubs or with birds, fishes and mammals, it is only in a subsidiary or auxiliary capacity, e.g., as bearing on the social, economic and 1 Sukra IV, vi, 2, 11-12. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 268. 2 Sukra IV, ii, 230. 4 Sukra I, 349-50. 6 Sukra II, 211-212, C71-672 ; IV, ii, 213. 5 These and allied subjects have been dealt with in the Bengali works on Gems by Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray and Dr. Ramdas Sen as well as in that valuable exposition of Hindu Culture in some of its secular aspects, The History of Hindu Chemistry, by Dr. P. C, Ray. political life of man, that these creatures of the lower living world have any place in the treatise of Sukracharyya. But even then the authors have displayed a good deal of knowledge about the habits, habitats, food, diseases and structure or external characteristics of the plants and animals, as well as the uses to which they are put by man for the furtherance of his ends of life. We shall form an estimate of the Botanical and Zoological knowledge of these authors of the Sukra Cycle in subsequent chapters. This, together with an account of the mineral products of the country, would give an Economic Geography (as well as History) of India in ancient and mediaeval times. In this section we propose to give only the names of the plants and animals occurring in Sukranlli, i. Plants. Grasses and woods have been mentioned several times. Among the functions of the Sudras one is that of carrying wood and grass.1 2 The Capital should be situated at a place that abounds in trees and shrubs and plants, is endowed with good supplies of grain and is happily provided with resources in grasses and woods. There is an injunction that the wall of the capital city should have many strong shrubs.3 Among the persons to be expelled from the commonwealth like “ sturdy vagabonds ” are people “ who live on alms even though they are capable of collecting wood and grasses.”4 Men 'who collect grasses and woods5 have to pay revenue to the state to the extent of one-third, one-fifth, one-seventh, one-tenth, or one-twentieth. Vast forests6 where elephants run to and fro have been mentioned figuratively in connexion with the moral training of the sovereign. “In a forest7 of six yojanas (i.e., forty-eight miles) the best Rajamarga is to be constructed; in the middle, the average, and between the two the worst.” So the Forest-Administration of the State has provision for roads in extensive woody lands. Forests9 are rich in wild games which are to be killed by kings in their hunting excursions that should be regular features of their lives. The forests are administered by a special officer9 well up in agri-flori-horti-arbori- culture, as we should say in modern times. Solitary forests should not be frequented or even visited by people. This is one of the general rules of morality. The man who has a bad wife or who has to live on alms has been advised to “prefer life in a forest.”10 Forests are the places where wild trees should be planted. Among forest-produce there is the mention of honey. Creepers have been mentioned only once. “Pandits, females and creepers1 J. do not flourish without resting grounds.” The causes of the development of flowers12 and fruits are known to the superintendent of parks and forests. Three of the sixty-four kalds or arts are the planting, grafting and preservation 1 Sukra I, 85-86. 2 Sukra I, 425-428. 3 Sukra I, 478-479. 4 Sukra IV, i, 209-210. 5 Sukra IV, ii, 237-238. 6 Sukra I, 193-194. 4 Sukra I, 528-529. 8 Sukra I, 665-666. 3 Sukra, II, 317-319. 10 Sukra III, 576-577. 11 Sukra I, 767. 12 Sukra II, 317-319, of plants, the use of preparations from sugar-canes1 and the knowledge of the mixtures of metals and medicinal plants. Every root is supposed to have medicinal properties (II, 254-255). Sukracharyya has divided trees into two classes, domestic and wild, and enumerated them in Section iv of Chapter IV. Besides these trees, several plants have been mentioned in Sukranlti, by name, which are being enumerated below: bamboos (IV, ii, 117-118; IV, iii, 190), lotus (I, 211-212), mustard (111,6.9-6 20), betels (IV, iii, 198), paddy, tila, m&sa, mudga, yava (IV, iv, 107-108), peas, IV, vii, 285-286), cotton (IV, vii, 356-357), arka, snuhi, wheat (IV, vii, 432-33) and garlic (IV, vii, 400-404). A careful study of the "habitats ” or “ Distribution ” of these trees, plants and shrubs is likely to be of considerable help in determining the geography of the locality which produced the Sukranlti. This will be done in a subsequent chapter. The study of Plant-Geography with this object is more important than that of the distribution of minerals. For minerals, as commercial mer chandise, may be transported easily from the localities which produce them, whereas plants are more or less stationary commodities which tell their own tale as to the soils, surroundings, etc. . 2. Animals. Facts of Zoo-Geography also, like those of Botanical Geography, can be gleaned from passages in Sukranlti. But the enumeration of the animals referred to in it, though no doubt it may point, to a certain extent, to the physical environment of the authors’ lives, is less important in this respect than that of plants, since common domestic animals, e.g., birds, etc., as well as those used in the Army may be brought from a distance as marketable commodities. This aspect of the question, together with the knowledge of Zoology displayed in the work, will be treated at some length in a forthcoming chapter. Here we shall simply enumerate the various animals mentioned in the work to give an idea of the diversity of the lower creatures that has left its impress on the work of the authors of the Sukra Cycle. Snakes and tigers have been often mentioned, and in various connexions. Among the wild animals or “ big games ” of the forest we find lions2 and bears.3 The domestic animals are many, eg., cows, buffaloes, goats, cats, dogs, sheep, deer. The aquatic animals are the fishes, cowries (II, 712-713), conches (II, 402- 403), whales,4 Raghava,4 crocodiles, tortoise (I, 531), oyster shells.6 The Animal-corps consists of the horse, the elephant, bulls and camels. Among birds we have the cuckoo (I, 337-338), the peacock,8 the drake (I. 337-338), the cock (I, 654-657), the parrot (II, 300-2), the crane (I, 654-657), the pigeon or dove, the partridge, the hawk (II, 300-21) and the chasha (IV, ii, 87). Besides these, there are monkeys (I, 654-657), boars,7 ants (III, 20-22), worms (III, 20-22), flies (III, 33-34), bees (III, 33-34) and rats (I, 654-657). 1 Sukra IV, vii, 144-147. 2 Sukra IV, i, 48-49 ; IV, iv, 331-334 ; II, 35-37. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 330. T Sukra III, 262-263. 4 Sukra III, 446-447. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 117-1L8. " Sukra I, 335-38; I, 665-666. CHAPTER III. THE DATA OF ANCIENT INDIAN ETHNOLOGY. Section i. Sukraniti as a source of Ethnological Information. Having briefly surveyed the plants and lower animals in the preceding sections it now remains to point out the races or tribes of men mentioned in Sukraniti to complete the picture of Bio-geography that may be deduced from it. But the poe’s of the Sukra Cycle are very chary of any positive informa- tion regarding the various nationalities that lived in their time. Sukraniti is the last work in which one should search for ethnographical details about ancient India. We have seen also how poor the work is as a manual of ancient and mediaeval Indian geographical names. This is all the more striking, since the work being purely socio-economic and socio-political is expected to be rich specially in the names of kingdoms, peoples, princes and cities. But as the matter stands, the authors fight shy of individual names and deal only with generalities. That the country was a land of diverse races, creeds and tongues as well as of diverse plants, animals, minerals and natural features is evident from the references to “ other lands and peoples,’’ “strange countries,” “coun- tries and languages,” we have already discussed, as well as from the mention of the writing of the characters of the various languages as one of the sixty- four kalas or arts. We have already noticed also that among the benefits of travel has been mentioned the pleasure of knowing the numerous religious customs, materials, races of men,1 hills, etc. The caste divisions with their intermixtures and customs (both domestic and social) which the Sukra authors have described in detail will form the subject of a separate chapter. The in- termixtures,2 and antyajas that have been mentioned in the section on the arts and sciences refer to the castes and will be treated along with them. Here we propose to survey the few details about the races of men mentioned in the treatise. Section 2. The Races. The following are the tribes mentioned in Sukraniti: (1) Yavanas, (2) Khasas, (3) Mlechchas, (4) Purvadevas or Asuras, (5) Raksasas, (6) Pisachas, (7) Kiratas, (8) Aryas. Yavanas. We have seen in a previous chapter that Yavanas, according to Sukraniti, “have all the four castes mixed3 together. They recognise authority other than that of the Vedas and live in the north and west, their sdstras have been 1 Sukra III, 262-263. * Sukra IY, iii, 22-23. 3 Sukra IY, iv, 74-77. framed for their welfare by their own masters. But the rules that are followed for ordinary purposes are the same in the two cases.” The purport is, that Yavanas differ from the children of the soil only in religion, but in matters of business, politics and the like there is no difference. The poets of the Sukra Cycle have mentioned Yavanamata or Yavanism as one of the thirty-two vidyas or branches of learning. It is that philosophy which “ recognises God as the invisible Creator of the Universe and recognises virtue and vice without refer- ence to Sruti and Smriti, and which believes1 that Sruti contains a separate religious system.” It is thus the non-Vedic creed, or speaking generally, an alien or non-national faith. Khasas. We have seen that the Khasas have been mentioned only once. They are a people living in mountainous tracts to the south and west of the vale of Kashmir. They are a people “who marry the widows of their brothers.”® Mlechchas. Sukracharyya refers to Mlechchas five times. “ Those who have deserted practising their own duties, who are unkind and troublesome to others, and who are very excitable, envious and foolish are Mlechchas.”3 The term has been used here metaphorically to connote certain undesirable, barbarous or alien characteristics rather than denote a race or tribe of men ethnologically or politically or even socially distinct from the ruling or predominant people. We find the term used in its literal sense as the name of a distinct race, caste or class of men in the following lines which describe the qualifications of persons from among whom recruits are to be drawn for the army as “ officers ” and “ men.” “ Those who are well up in Nilisaslras, the use of arms and ammuni- tions, manipulations of battle array and the art of management and discipline, who are not too young but of middle age, who are brave, self-controlled, able- bodied, always mindful of their own duties, devoted to their masters, and haters of enemies should be made commanders and soldiers whether they are Sudras, or Ksatriyas, Vaisyas or descended from Mlechchas.”1 These lines exclude only the Brahmanas of the predominant or the Aryan race recognising the system of castes and stages, and allow all the other three castes to be enlisted in the army. They, however, mention a fourth class of men who may be likewise enrolled. They are evidently beyond the pale of Aryaism or Caste-and- stagism and certainly form a social polity by themselves. This literal sense, however, is not observed, in the following lines. “ The king who does not punish the false-speaking spy becomes the destroyer of the people’s persons and properties and is called Mlechchha.”6 Here it is equivalent to an abuse or condemnation. The fourth reference in SukranlU to the Mlechchas is in the literal sense of a race. This is in connexion with the Laws of Property. 1 Sukra IV, iii, 124-126. 2 Sukra IV, v, 98, 6 Sukra I, 676-676, ’ Sukra I, 87-88. 4 Sukra II, 276-280, “ In the Sastras sources of income as well as the castes are known to be According to the injunctions of Sukracharyya the Mlechchas also must abide by the regulations regarding title to property which are obeyed by the Brah- manas, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras, i.e., the four castes of the Arya race. If the Mlechchas or whom the Greeks would have called “Barbarians,” do not respect these laws, the community would be jeopardised, as is implied in the next line. “ For the preservation of the community these have been fixed by previous sages.” This is exactly what has been said about Yavanas* who, following their own apostles in matters of faith, must respect the civic laws of the state in which they live. The poets of the Sukra Cycle have displayed a pre-eminently modern conception by thus allowing freedom of religious con- victions and practices but compelling obedience to one and the same system of non-religious laws throughout the realm. On the one hand, religious neutrality or toleration which implies a diversity of creeds, and on the other, uniformity or unity in economic, political and other secular interests,— these are the notions of the statesmen of the Sukra Cycle in the passages regarding the Yavanas as well as Mlechchas. The literal sense of the term is to be noticed in the following lines where Mlechchas have been taken almost as a fifth caste or, at any rate, representing a class of men who do not fall within the fold of the four castes : “ Not by birth are the Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya, Sudra and Mlechcha3 separated, but by virtues and works.” Here, again, we have a very rationalistic interpretation of the Caste System, and this leads in the following lines to the use of the words, Brahmana, Ksatriya, &c., almost in the metaphorical sense. Purvadevas4 or Asuras are the disciples of the sage Sukracharyya. It is in the lectures of this Professor to his pupils that the present manual of socio- political science is said to have had its birth. The works of Plato and Aristotle in ancient Hellas had similar origins in the lectures to their pupils at the schools of the Academy and the Lyceum. Vat&pi is a king of the Asuras5 mentioned by Sukracharyya to have been ruined through folly. Asuras have been mentioned as wicked beings or demons who attend the divine beings, the gods in the religious rites which are celebrated for them. They are in fact demigods, and their images have to be constructed along with those of the benign gods who destroy them. Sukra enjoins that “the images of Pisachas and Asuras6 are to be always sixteen talas (12 angulas make 1 tala) Hiranyakasipu, Vritra, Hirapyaksa, Ravana, Kumbhakarna, Namuchi, Nisumbha, Sumbha, Mahisasura, Raktavija—these are to be sixteen talas in height.” These are extraordinary dimensions, considering that the ordinary images of gods are to be not more than seven, eight, nine or ten talas The Demi-gods. 1 Sukra 1Y, v, 585-587. * Sukra IV, iv, 76-77. • Sukra I, 75-76, 77-88. 4 Sukra 1,1-3. e Sukra I, 287-290. 0 Sukra IV, iv, 179-182. (or feet), and the normal is always the seven-tala type for Kali Yuga. It is clear that Asuras here do not denote a race of human beings, but a class of demi-gods or supernatural creatures —the Titans of Hindu Mythology. Raksasas are likewise a race of Titans, the enemies or rather rivals of gods, and have been mentioned in Sukranili not so much as human beings as mythical giants. But as in the case of Asuras one of their kings has been mentioned along with other Pauranika kings and Rishis as instances of failure through vices. We read that “Raksasa* Paulastya was ruined through vanity.” About the images of these Raksasas we are told that “ they are to be ten talas.2 These images like those of the Asuras, Pisachas and Raksasas, who may be figuratively regarded as their tribesmen, are to have “ long thighs and legs, to be ferocious, cruel and vehement,3 or sometimes very lean and thin.” Forest Tribes. Kiratas are a class of Aranyaka or forest-tribes. They have been men- tioned only once in Sukranili, and that in connexion with the division of the Army into two orders—that of the Standing Army and that of the Militia or National volunteers. To this latter class belong the “ Kiratas4 and people living in the forests who have their own resources and depend on their own strength.” These wild tribes are enlisted as soldiers, and they bring their own arms and accoutrements. These are probably independent races who do not ordinarily acknowledge suzerainty of the neighbouring chief. Ary as. The word ‘Arya’ has been mentioned only once. We are told that the ‘‘man who abuses the Aryas* * 9 and the gods” is one of those who are to be expelled by the King from the Commonwealth. Section 3. Identification. We have now gone through the accounts of the Sukra poets about the various races mentioned by them in their work. It is doubtful if we should regard Purvadevas or Asuras, Raksasas, and Pisachas referred to in the treatise as races of men, for they are really half-men, half-gods, belonging rather to the regions of demons, goblins and giants than to the mundane world of human beings. As for the others, the details are very few indeed. Except the Khasas who can be identified, as they have been in Stein’s Raj Tarangini, the Yavanas, Mlechchas and Kiratas are more or less generic names of races very difficult to identify until the date of Sukraniti is fixed. This is, as I have suggested previously, pelitio principii at the present stage of our knowledge regarding the branch of Hindu literature known by the name of Arthasdstras or Nitisaslras. 1 Sukra I, 287-290. 5 Sukra IV, iv, 398-899. 1 Sukra IV, iv, 171-172. 4 Sukra IV, vii, 28. 9 Sukra IV, i, 195-196. The terms Mlechcha and Yavana are very elastic, “ chartered words ” as they are called, and have been very loosely applied by Indian authors to anybody who is not of their race, religion or country. They correspond to “ Barbarians ” of the Hellenes, Pagans ” or “ Heathens ” of the Christians, “ Kafirs ” of the Musalmans, and “ Welsh ” of the English people. That these terms had definite ‘connotation’ as well as “ denotation ’’ in the initial stages of their history there is no doubt. But in the course of time, at any rate in Sukraniti, they have come to be almost identical or synonymous, and as we have seen, both of them metaphorically used to indicate anything that is igno- minious, vile or despicable. What, however, we can definitely gather from the passages in the works of the Sukra Cycle leads us to the_idea that perhaps the term Mlechcha is the genus and Yavana is one of its species. Thus Yavanas are a class of men who belong to the Mlechcha group of human races. The term Kirdta, again, had a special significance when first used. But in Sukraniti it seems to be a generic name for all forest tribes without any special race-characteristics. Though Sukraniti is silent about the homes, characteristics, etc., of the races incidentally mentioned in it, it would be interesting to know them from other sources. We, therefore, proceed to throw a sidelight on these races from accounts to be found in Sanskrit Literature. Yavanas. We have already discussed the locality and nationality of the Yavanas and quoted at length Dr. Mitra's conclusions. We may mention here that the word Yavana is not to be found in Vedic literature. The newly published “ Vedic Index of Names and Subjects ” (in two volumes) by Messrs. Macdonell and Keith does not notice either Yavanas or Mlechchas among the sixty-six tribes1 or races enumerated in its index. The following observations of Principal P. T. Srinivas Iyengar,2 however, are important not only as throwing some light on who may be regarded as the counterpart of the Yavanas and Mlechchas in the age cf the Mantras, but also as contesting the orthodox theory of the Aryan invasion of India : “ The Vedic Mantras mention the names of about forty tribes who inha- bited the regions known to their composers. * * * * Scholars have given the name'Aryas’ to those tribes among whom the Mantras were composed and applied the name to a supposed Aryan race which sent successive svvarms’,of invaders to India, Persia, Greece, Italy, Germanjq France, Britain, and civilised those lands in pre-historic times. But the progress of anthropology has proved the invasion and civilisation of Europe by the ‘ Aryans ’ to be a myth. Scholars yet cling to the theory of an ‘ Aryan ’ race so far as India is concerned. * * * The Aryas and Dasyus or Dasas are referred to not as indicating different races, * * * The words refer not to race but to cult. * * * Arya meant a worshipper of Indra (and Agni), and Dasa or Dasyu meant either demons 1 See pp. 590-1. 2 Life in Ancient India, pp. 8-16. opposed to Indra or the people that worshipped these demons. * * * The Dasyus are without rites, of different rites, fireless, non-sacrificers, without prayers, without Riks, haters of prayer. **** Thus the difference between the Aryas and Dasyus was not one of race but of cult. Nor was there any difference of culture between the Arya and Dasyu. The Dasyus lived in cities * * * possessed wealth, * * owned many castles. * * * Indeed Dasyu and Arya have been understood respectively as enemies and advocates of the fire-cult * * Sayana defines Aryas to be those that sing hymns, practising fire-rites, and Dasyus to be enemies who destroy the observers of fire-rites, riteless.” Leaving aside the controversy as to whether the distinction was one of cult and faith only or of culture and race also, we need not hesitate to look upon the Dasyus or Dasas, the enemies of the Aryas, as the “ Yavanas ” of Vedic India according to the definition of Sukracharyya. The following extract from Mr. C. V. Vaidya’s Epic Indiaa would throw a fresh light on the topic. “ In the Vedas the Aryans speak of themselves as distinguished from the Dasas or aborigines and the Asuras or Iranians. Gradually through the epic period they lost sight both of the Iranians by distance and of the Dasas or aborigines by extinction or assimilation. They now spoke of the Aryans as distinguished from the Mlechchas who surrounded their country. Let us ex- amine who were included in that word. When the cow of Vasistha created the Mlechchas to destroy the army of Viswamitra who was trying to take her away by force it is stated that the cow created from the serveral parts of her body the Pallavas, the Dravidas, the Shakas, the Yavanas, the Shabaras, the Paundras, the Kiratas, the Sinhalas, the Barbaras, the Khasas, the Chibukas, the Pulindas, the Chinas, the Hunas, the Keralas, and many other Mlechchas.1 * 3 4 * * * It appears plain that the Dravidian peoples of the south were looked upon as Mlechchas equally with the Yavanas and Shakas. It seems also probable that the Aryans of India knew these Yavanas and Shakas and Hunas and Chinas long before they actually invaded India.” In A Peep info the Early History of India4 Dr. Bhandarkar identifies the Yavanas with the Bactrian Greeks on the strength of a passage from Patanjali and the tradition alluded to by Kalidasa in the Mdlavik&gnimilra that Pushya- mitra’s sacrificial horse was captured on the banks of the Sindhu or Indus by Yavana cavalry'. “ The instances given by Patanjali * * * are Arunad Yavanah Saketam : Arunad Yavano Madhyamikam. This shows that a certain Yavana 1 Sukracliaryya’s account of Yavanas, who respect authority other than that of the Vedas and who have their own spiritual masters, exactly corresponds to this description of the enemies of the Vedic Aryas. ^ Pp. 25-26 (Edition of 1907). 8 It would thus appear that Yavanas' are a species of Mlechchas, as has been suggested above ; not Yavanas only, but also the Khasas and the Kiratas mentioned in Bukraniti are thus two branches of the Mlechchas. 4 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1900), pp. 370-72. or Greek prince had besieged Saketa or Ayodhya and another place called Madhyamika when Patanjali wrote this. The late Dr. Goldstiicker identified this Yavana prince with Menander. * * * In another place Patanjali gives Saka-Yavanam, as an instance of an aggregate Dwandiua which signifies that they were Sudras and lived beyond the confines of Aryavarta.” In an analysis of the historical inscriptions in the Cave-Temples of Western India1 Dr. Bhandarkar says: “Gotamiputra Satakarni quelled the boast and pride of Ksatriyas and destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pailavas.” On the evidence of inscriptions and coins his conclusion is that the Graeko-Indian or Yavana kings' were in possession of parts of India from about the beginning of the second century before Christ to the arrival of Sakas. Dr. Bhandarkar’s testimony refers to the Yavanas as rulers or warriors, and as such we find them in Ayodhya in Upper India, and also in the Deccan, the land of the Satavahanas or Andhrabhrityas. But as a people with a certain culture, language and faith the Yavanas have been known to the Indians since at least the sixth century B. C. when Panini the great grammarian3 flourished. Mlechchas. About the more generic word Mlechchas we qoute the following from Mr. Vaidya’s Epic India * A “At the end of the Epic Period the word Arya comprises not only the three castes, but also the Sudra within it and is opposed to Mlechchas.” Thus “all peoples who are outside the castes born of the head, the arm, the thigh, and the foot of Brahma, whether they speak the Aryan or the Mlechcha languages are Dasyus.” (Manu X, 46.) The following is also taken from the same work : “ The Mahabharata, Bhisma Parva, Chapter IX, mentions 157 peoples in Hindustan properly so called, 50 peoples in the south, i.e., to the south of the Nerbudda, and about 14 Mlechcha peoples beyond India in which term we include Afghanistan as well as Kashmir. * * * The countries and peoples to the east5 were originally looked upon as Mlechchas.6 They were the Angas, Vangas and the Kalingas. * * The Northern7 Mlechchas comprise almost all those people who were undoubtedly known at the end of the epic period after the conquests of Alexander. But we cannot but believe that many of these peoples must have been known to the Aryans several centuries before.” “ The Mlechchas'’ who attempted to speak the Sanskrit language committed mistakes,” as would be evident from the following verse in the Adi 1 Early History of the Dekkan, Section IV. 2 A Peep into the Early History of India. 5 Dr. Rajendralala Mitra’s Indo-Aryans, Vol. II, (Edition of 1881), pp. 177-178 4 P. 27. ‘ East of the Gandaki, the river mentioned in Sukraniti also. ” Vaidya’s Epic India, pp. 280-288- 7 Ibid, p. 271. s Ibid, p. 331. Parva of Mahabharata: “ narya mlechchhantibhdshabhih ” or the Aryas do not ‘mlechchhise’ in speech, i.e„ as the commentator explains it, do not commit mis- takes in speaking, as has been already alluded to in connexion with Yavanas. The Mahabharata constantly speaks of the Aryas, />., the orthodox population of the country between the Himalayas and the Vindhya range as distinguished from the Mlechchas who inhabited countries beyond these whether to the East, South or the West. In the Bhisma Parva it is expressly stated in the begin- ning that the peoples were Aryas, Mlechchas and mixed races.”1 The metaphorical or non-literal use of the words, Arya, Yavana and Mlechcha in certain passages of Sukranili has already been hinted at. There are instances of this use in the Mahabharata also. Mr. Vaidya says : “The Aryans had not only not forgotten their race, but had also not forgotten the superiority of their race in morality, and we find the epics constantly using the word Arya to signify what is good and high, conscious of the facts that the word meant originally a race and that high morals were characteristic of that race only. Anaryajushla2 is an expression of frequent occurrence in the epics showing'that “ not practised by the Aryans ” was synonymous with “not good ” or “not moral.” FQr the earliest use of the word Mlechcha we have to refer to a passage in the Satapatha Brahmana, “ where it occurs in the sense of a barbarian3 in speech. The Brahmana is there forbidden to use barbarian speech.” The long extracts from the works of Mr. Iyengar, Dr. Bhandaj'kar and Mr Vaidya must have made it clear that the Yavanas and Mlechchas have been names of different peoples in different periods scattered over various parts of India; and until and unless the date of Sukranlti is fixed it is impossible to identify the tribes who are meant by the poets of the Sukra Cycle in the passages which describe them as living in the North and West, professing non-Vedic faith and obeying their own spiritual guides. Or perhaps in these lines we have a clue to the date of the work, or at any rate, of certain portions of it. For whatever be the age of other parts of Sukranili, it may be presumed that these lines were the composition of men at the time when Yavanas were definitely known to live in a specified quarter of India, namely pratyaguttara, i.e., ‘North- Western ’ or ‘ Northern and Western.’ Aryas. We have incidentally noticed above that the word Arya was often used not for a race but for the qualities of good breeding, etc., that the civilised people or orthodox Indian nations represented. In the passage quoted above from Sukranili regarding the persons who abuse the Aryas as well as gods, it is doubt- ful if the word has been taken literally or metaphorically. But from the general trend of the whole treatise we may gather that a people “consisting of all the 1 Vaidya’s Epic India, pp. 23-24. 2 Vaidya’s Epic India, p 24. 3 Note on the word Mlechcha in the Vedic Index by Macdonell and Keith, Vol. II, p. 181. four castes is here meant as distinguished from the Mlechchhas.” Messrs. Mac- donell and Keith1 give the following history of the word in Vedic literature : “ Arya is the normal designation in the -Vedic literature from the Rig-Veda on- wards of an Aryan, a member of the three upper classes, Brahmana, Kshatriya, or Vaisya. * * * The Arya stands in opposition to Dasa, but also the Sudra. Sometimes the expression is restricted to the Vaisya caste. * * * The word Arya also occurs frequently as an adjective to describe the Aryan classes or names. * * * Aryan foes are referred to beside Dasa foes, and there are many relerences to war of Aryan versus Aryan. * * * In the later Samhitas and Brahmanas the wars alluded to seem to be mainly Aryan wars.” It is thus A clear that the three upper castes were called Aryas and the lowest the Dasas. In the course of time, t.e, during the post-Vedic ages, the lowest classes, the D&sas or Sudras, constituted the fourth caste of the Aryas. And the name Arya became opposed to Mlechchha, as we have seen above in the extracts from Mr. Vaidya’s Epic India. Kiratas. The Kiratas have been mentioned in the Mahabharata as a species of Mlechchhas born out of Vasistha’s cow. Kalidasa’s hero, Raghu, in his digvijaya or ‘ conquest of the quarters of the globe’ overpowers the Kiratas and other hill- tribes, somewhere near the Kailasa mountain in the Himalayan ranges. The word is found in Vedic literature also. The following is taken from the note on the word in the Vedic Index of Names and Subjects : 1 “ Kirata is a name applied to a people living in the caves of the mountains. * * Later, the people were located in Eastern Nepal, but the name seems to have been applied to any hill-folk, no doubt aborigines, though the Manava Dharma Sds/ra regards them as degraded Ksatriyas. Raksasas and Pisachas. It has already been remarked that Raksasas and Pisachas, as used in Sukrantfi, seem to be half-men, half-gods, and not full human beings. “ In the early Vedic literature2 Raksas refers to demons, and is only metaphorically applied to human foes. No definite tribe is meant.” This is the verdict of Messrs. Macdonell and Keith, who also assert that “similarly Pisachas are not a tribe in Vedic literature, whatever they may have been later.” l'he following is their note to the word Pisaclia : “ Pisacha3 is the name of a class of demons mentioned in Atbarvaveda and later. In the Taitliriya Samhitd they are associated with Raksasas and Asuras, while opposed to gods, men and fathers. In the Atharvaveda they are described as eaters of flesh. * * It is possible that the Pisachas were, as suggested by Grierson, really human foes like the north-western tribes. * * This is, however, not at all likely.” The following extracts from Mr. Vaidya’s Epic India give us some idea of the homes of the Raksasas, whether regarded merely as ‘ghouls’ or real 1 I'edic Index of Names and Subjects, Yol. I, pp. C4-5, in the “ Indian Text” series. 2 Yol. I, pp. 157-158. s iud, Yol. II, 516, 8 human beings:" The Rakshas and Rakshasas were originally a people who lived on the sea-coast. * * * Even in their conquest of the Punjab and the Upper Gangetie valley the Aryans must have sometimes come in contact with fierce cannibalic Dravidian races. * * * Aryan adventurers * * plant colonies in the Central Provinces only at suitable places, though they were frequently infested by Rakshasas. * * * In the Rakshas form of marriage the bridegroom was allowed to abduct by force the daughter of a Kshatriya whether she was a willing party or not. * * * The modern Deccan was pre-eminently the country of the Rakshasas." A suras. Asura is a very important word in Sanskrit literature, both Vedic and post-Vedic. We are especially interested in it, as our author Sukra is the guru or preceptor of the Asuras. Rev. K. M. Banerjea is one of the first scholars to have studied the etymology of the word ‘Asura’ and the nationality of the race denoted by it. The following is taken from the Preface to his Arian Witness :* l “No term in the Rig-Veda seems to have puzzled students, translators and commentators more than the word Asura. The modern idea denoted by the term is that of an ogre and a demon. The idea is annually embodied in the person of the Mahisasura among the figures worshipped at the Durga Puja. He appears there as the fiercest of the goddess’s enemies receiving his death wounds at her hands. In the Rig-Veda, however, the gods themselves are, all of them termed and accosted as Asuras, and one of them, introduced at the moment as the Creator of the Universe, is called the ail-knowing and wise Asura. And yet the same Veda elsewhere gives an opposite picture of the character indicated by the term, corresponding to the modern ideal of a demon and an ogre, and the very same individuals are sometimes represented as Asuras, and again lauded as destroyers of Asuras. * * The Rig-Veda continues a witness of both senses but the later Vedas and all subsequent Sdsfras give exclusively the odious sense of evil spirits, hostile to gods and Brahmanas and inimical to their long-cherished institution of sacrificial ceremonies.” This double character of the Asuras as (i) gods as weil as the people who worship the gods, and (2) devils as well as the people who worship the devils has been explained by the evidences of Comparative Philology. The two branches of the Primitive Aryans, vis., the Iranians (Persians) who have developed the Zend Avesla with the theogony of the Asuras, and the Indo-Aryans (Hindus) who have developed the Rig-Veda with the theogony of the Devas were once living on the same soil in a common home. Various causes of differentiation led at last to their separation as enemies and vilification of each other. The two stages of their relations, viz., friendly as well as inimical, have been portrayed in the sacred literature of both the peoples. It is in the second stage 1 Vedic Index by Macdonell and Keith, Vol. I, p. 533. 1 Vaidya’s Epic India, pp. 6, 7, 8, 306. s Published by Thacker, Spink & Co. (1875), of their relations that the Iranian devils are the Indo-Aryan gods, and the Indo-Aryan devils are the Iranian gods. Thus the Asums,1 who are the beneficent gods of the western branch of the Aryans, have become the worst « enemies of the devas, the gods of the eastern branch; while the devas of the eastern are the devils of the western. 1 This interesting topic has been dealt with by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra in his paper on Primitive Aryans in Indo-Aryans, Yol. II, and also in a short article by Mr. Mahesh- chandra Ghosh in the Bengali Monthly, the Pravasi, Yol. VI, No. 11, pp. 587-593. For some of the characteristics of these eternal enemies of the Indian gods and peoples, see also Mr. Vaidya’s Epic India, pp. 23, 25, 27, 93, 131, 294, 293, 353, 464, 504., and Fausboll’s Indian Mythology (Luzac & Co.) CHAPTER IV. THE DATA OF ANCIENT INDIAN MINERALOGY. Section i. Sukraniti as the ‘ Architectonic ’ Science. Writing about Montesquieu, the French Philosophical historian of the eighteenth century, in his History of French Literature, Dr. Edward Dowden says : “ The scientific researches of his day attracted him ; investigating anatomy, botany, natural philosophy, the history of the earth, he came to see man as a portion of nature, or at least as a creature whose life is largely determined by natural laws. With a temper of happy serenity and an admir- able balance of faculties he was possessed by an eager intellectual curiosity. ‘I spend my life,’ he said, ‘ in examining; everything interests, everything surprises me.’ Nothing, however, interested him so much as the phenomena of human society. He had no aptitude for metaphysical speculations; his feeling for literature and art was defective.” Exactly the same character-sketch would apply to the Hindu sociologist, Sukracharyya, if we were to construct his biography out of the internal evidences culled from the literary production that is connected with his name. The same non-metaphysical and pre-eminently human outlook, the same positive and scientific standpoint, the same comprehensive and encyclopoedic conception, the same aversion to literary and artistic flourish mark the intellectual frame- work of the authors of the Sukra cycle. The merits and shortcomings of Sukraniti are identical with the merits and defects of the Esprit des Lois1 which has been characterised by Janet in his Historie de la Politique as "undoubtedly the greatest work of the eighteenth century ” and classed with Rousseau’s Contrat Social as forming together the literary source1 2 and spring of the revolutionary movement. The following are the words of Dowden about The Spirit of Laws : "The whole of his mind, almost the whole of his existence—is embodied in the Esprit des Lois. It lacks the unity of a ruling idea ; it is deficient in construction, in continuity and cohe- sion * * * It lacks unity because its author’s mind was many-sided. * * * He would warn and he would exhort; he would help, if possible, to create intelli- gent and patriotic citizens. * * * Its ideas often succeed each other without logical sequence. * * * But he brought the study of jurisprudence and politics, in the widest sense, into literature, laicizing and popularising the whole subject ; he led men to feel the greatness of the social institution.” 1 Published in 1748. 2 Sidgwick’s Development of European Polity (1003) Lect. XXV. The same may be said of Sukranih, also, which has proposed for itself th6 function of prescribing rules for the promotion of human1 welfare, and the furtherance of the interests of both peoples and kings. One finds in it the same copiousness of illustrations and multiplicity of details, the same occasional defects in arrangement and incoherency of treatment. The explanation of this strength as well as weakness of the work is to be sought in its very scope and province, which are those of the ‘ science of all sciences,’ the “ architectonic” or the dominant science, as Aristotle would call it. Sukraniti, as such a master-science, in order to fulfil its mission as a guide- philosopher-friend to every class of human beings, must survey the whole universe from the planet to the sea-gull, and the daffodil to the star. Section 2. The Synthetic Philosophy of Sukrdcharyya. All the facts and phenomena of the mineral, vegetable and animal worlds have bearings on human life and social progress. Professors of the “ architec- tonic ” science, therefore, have need of them. According to Comte,2 social science is subordinate to Biology and is “related to the whole system of In- organic Philosophy, because Biology is so.” “ The whole social evolution of the race must proceed in entire accordance with biological laws. * * * It is only by the inorganic philosophy that we can duly analyse the entire system of exterior conditions—chemical, physical, and astronomical—amidst which the social evolution proceeds, and by which its rate of- progress is determined.” John Stuart M ill also believes that the scope of any profitable study of man’s action in society must be co-extensive with the whole of social science. Accord- ing to him, “ a person is not likely to be a good economist who is nothing else. Social phenomena,3 4 acting and re-acting on one another, cannot rightly be understood apart.” Dr. Ingram1 gives prominence to this encyclopaedic char- acter of Social Studies in his article on Political Economy in the Encyclo- pedia Britannica (ninth edition). His conclusion is that Political Economy cannot any longer command attention as a fruitful branch of speculation unless it is subsumed under and absorbed into general sociology.” Not only economics, but politics also, “can only be scientifically studied as one part or application of the Philosophy of History.” Says Professor Sidgwick : “I agree with Mill in holding that the scientific study of the different kinds of governments that have actually existed in human society ought to be pursued in close connexion with the scientific study of other important elements of the societies in question. * * * The division of intellectual labour ought not to 1 Sukra I, 4—24. 1 Carver’s Sociology and Social Progress (1906), pp. 65—87. s Marshall’s Principles of Economics. 4 Keyne’s Scope and Method of Political Economy, Third Edition (1904), pp. 112—141, be carried so far as to make us forget the influence exercised on government by other social changes,* 1 * for instance, by the development of thought, of knowledge, of morals, of industry.” The science of Public Finance, also, which is closely related to Economics, Politics and History, is, as such, a study of man’s social activities, and hence only one of the branches of the Architec- tonic science—Sociology. The differentiation and specialisation of the sciences according to the principles of the division of labour have undoubtedly rendered immense service to the world of speculation. The physical sciences have been rendered more and more precise, mathematical and exact. The human sciences also have tended in the same direction. But this ‘ progress ’ of the sciences in the acquisition of mathematical accuracy has necessarily deprived them of their realistic and concrete character. The growth in ‘exactness’ and necessary abs- traction has militated against the efficacy and utility of each alone as a manual of guidance to human beings. Modern philosophical thought is fully conscious of this ‘other side’ of specialisation, and recognises the limitations of the specialised sciences in the matter of framing practical rules or duties of life. Thus Dr. Keynes observes : “ Few practical problems admit of complete solution on eco- nomic grounds alone. * * * More usually when we pass to problems of taxation, or to problems that concern the relations of the state with trade and industry, or to the general discussion of communistic and socialistic schemes—it is far from being the case that economic considerations hold the field exclusively. Account must also be taken of ethical, social, and political considerations that lie outside the sphere of Political Economy regarded as a science * * * If the art attempts a complete solution of practical problems, it must of necessity be to a large extent non-economic in character.” This defect is inherent in all specialised sciences. The science, therefore, that would lay down absolute rules for the regulation of human conduct, cannot with advantage be separated from general political and social philosophy.1 Sukranili is such a science or art of social philosophy and legislation. The authors of the Sukra cycle, without caring to expound their methods of investigation and explain the ‘ logic ’ of their science, have unconsciously followed the method of the most synthetic and comprehensive art that would turn to account all the physical and human sciences in order to prescribe the ‘ whole duty of man.’ The countrymen of Sukracharyya were not, however, poor in methodology. The ancient scientific machinery of the Hindus has found an able exponent in Dr. Brajendranath Seal,3 whose short but erudite monographs have furnished the sound philosophic basis of the modern Indian school of his- torico-sociological research 1 Sidgwick’s Elements of Politics (1891), pp. 5—6, 1 Keyne's Scope and Method of Political Economy, Third Edition (1904), pp. 55—58, 8 For Seal’s Mechanical, Physical and Chemical Theories, as well as Scientific Method of the Ancient Hindus, see Dr. Hay’s Hindu, Chemistry, Vol. II., pp. 59—290. , . - ( 63 ) Section 3, The Place of Mineralogy in Sukraniti. It is this comprehensive view-point of the Sukra legislators that supplies the rationale of their discussion of purely physical and material phenomena in their treatise on morals. Investigations regarding stones, gems, metals, minerals, buildings, roads, gardening, images, forts, arms, weapons, plants and animals—all these are integral parts of the Nitisastra, according to this conception, which otherwise would remain incomplete. Mineralogical, Architec- tural, Sculptural, Botanical, Zoological, Veterinary and Agricultural ideas have thus a natural and necessary place in the Sukraniti, and are not mere appendages calculated to swell its bulk. Consistently with this, we might expect greater prominence given to clima- tological and general geographical facts in the work of the Sukra statesmen, as in the work of Montesquieu. But, as we have seen, Sukraniti is rather defect- ive in this respect. It treats of the geographical and meteorological phenomena in a very subsidiary capacity. As auxiliary to the main study, Sukra authors might devote greater attention to the Earth which is the theatre of all human activities and one of the principal aspects of the positive background of a people’s social life. The authors, however, refer to the hills and rivers, seas and seasons very casually and incidentally, as it were, to illustrate their points or explain their ideas. This is all the more strange, since the observation and tabulation of na. tural phenomena were regularly instituted in ancient India in order to determine the fortunes of men and princes. Thus the Brihat Samhita, an astronomical and astrological work of the 6th century A D., is a comprehensive study1 of the physical features and aspects of the universe, e.g. clouds, rains, planets, winds, earthquakes, storms, plants, animals, jewels, &c., and of their influences on the course of human affairs—social, economic, and political. This treatise is the “ Physics and Politics" of the Hindus written about 1500 years ago, and antici- pates “ the Spirit of Laws" the first important European work on the study of physical forces and energies, as affecting human history by, over eleven centuries. The treatment of mineralogy in Sukraniti is threefold : (1) As a feeder or contributor to the ‘ architectonic ’ science, Sociology, the position of Mineralogy is inevitable like that of the other physical sciences. (2) As incidental or stray references which cannot be prevented in any work of considerable proportions, Mineralogical, like Botanical, Engineering, 1 The scope and province of this work have been described by the author himself in Chapter II. See Iyer’s Translation (printed at the South Indian Press, Madura, 1884), pp. 3-12. See along with this Buckle’s History of Civilisation, Vol. 1, Montesquieu’s Spirit of Laws, Book XIV (English Edition in the World's Great Classics Series), Bagehot’s Physics and Politics, Dunning’s Political Theories, Vol. II, pp. 418-428, 112-113 (Macmillan 1905), Bluntschli’s Theory of State (Third Edition, 228-236). In 1880-1882, a trial was made in the Baroda State to ascertain whether the probable rainfall of the coming monsoon could be predicted from observations of clouds according to principles laid down in Brihat Samhita. The result was eminently successful. Zoological, and other ideas of physical science, furnish valuable clues to the general culture of the epoch or epochs in which portions of Sukran\ti might have been composed. Our treatment of Geographical Data in a preceding chapter has been mainly directed by this search for ‘ internal evidences,’ as they are called. (3) As directly bearing on the socio-economic and socio-political interests of man. The authors of the Sukra cycle have a judicious sense of proportion and scientific selection. They are not tempted to long-winded and labyrinthine inquiries involving prolix digressions within digressions that characterise the Encyclopedia Jndicas, called the Puranas. Facts of physical science have been laid under contribution only according to their need. These writers have dis- played the same rational discrimination that marks the literary activities of modern thinkers. Says Dr. Keynes:1 “ While Economics has to take account of the operation of physical laws, it is still concerned with them only indirectly. It does not seek to establish or explain the physical laws that are involved in agriculture or mining or manufacture. This is the function of such sciences as mechanics, chemistry, geology and the science of agriculture. * * * The relation of political economy to the physical sciences is then simply this, that it pre-supposes them ; it is sometimes concerned with physical laws as premis- ses, but never as conclusions. * * * The science is not directly concerned with the technique of different trades and occupations.” In treating of the minerals, metals, stones, &c., (as the other facts of physical world), the philosophers of the Sukra cycle have closely followed the method of the moderners. Thus the chemical, crystallographical, medicinal, and meta- physical speculations over the gems and metals have been sedulously avoided by them. Sukranlti has referred to the metals and precious stones only as they affect the economic, financial and political life of the people. The Data of ancient IrTdian Mineralogy that this work on social and moral legislation yields would thus afford a valuable picture of the commercial geography and economic history of the country in by-gone days, as we have hinted at in a preceding chapter. For, though “the distribution of minerals over the surface of the earth is much less obvious phenomenon than that of plants and animals, it has always been of great importance2 in determining the distribution of man and his settlements.” Like the geographical data, these w'ould supply some of the evidences by which it may be possible to fix upon the locale of certain portions of the treatise as well as their date. Section 4. History oj Hindu Mineralogy. (a) Literature on Metals. The philosophers of the Sukra cycle have drawn upon mineralogical literature very sparingly indeed. One cannot but admire the sobriety and 1 Keyne’s Scope and Method of Political Economy (1904), pp. 84-86. 2 Newbigin’s Modern Geography in the Home University Library Series, restraint of these authors when one remembers how easily they might tend to indulge in the mythological, alchemical and metaphysical notions regarding the mineral world which held sway over both the East and the West1 2 3 4 * for centuries. The Sukra authors have very creditably displayed their ratiocinative intellect and scientific spirit by rejecting all other aspects of precious stones and metals known in their literary circles, and using only such facts and figures as are relevant to the socio-political scope of their work. For the uses of minerals have been known to the Hindus from the earliest times. In 1877 the late Dr. Udoy Chand Dutt brought out his Materia Medica of the Hindus,a in the first part of which he gave on account of the mineral or inorganic medicines used in ancient times under five heads :(1) mercury, (2) metallic ores and earths, (3) metals, (4) salts, (5) precious stones; of the mode of their preparation, their chemical composition, and the principal combinations in which they were employed in different diseases. About the same time Dr. Rajendralal Mitra’s Indo-Aryans and Antiquities 0) Orissa revealed to a certain extent the knowledge of the ancient Hindus in the use of metals and gems in arts, industries and handicrafts. In order to appreciate the value of Hindu mineralogical literature that is implied and indicated by the actual use of minerals for the diverse purposes of human life, it is necessary to estimate the present character and history of the science as it obtains in Europe. “Mineralogy8 is the science which describes and classifies the different kinds of mineral matter constituting the material of the earth’s crust and of those extra-terrestrial bodies called meteorites. The study of minerals is thus a branch of natural history, but one in which certain of the exact sciences find an application. The determination of the composition and constitution of minerals is a chemical problem ; their optical and other physical properties are deter- mined according to the principles of physics ; the study of the crystalline form and structure belongs to crystallography ; their modes of occurrence, origins, associations and changes come within the province of geology and petrology ; wb.ile a consideration of the localities at which they are found requires some acquaintance with geography. Finally, there is the economic side, dealing with the mining and application of useful minerals, the extraction of metals from their ores and the uses of minerals for building, decoration and jewelry.” The above description of the science can apply to Mineralogy in its last and very modern phase since about 1S60. Says the Editor of the Mineralogical Magazine :* “It was not until the end of the iSth and beginning of the 19th century * * * that any advance was made in scientific mineralogy. It was then 1 For an account of the progress of Alchemy in Europe, see the Story of Alchemy by Muir in the Library of Useful Stories Series. 2 The materials supplied by this work have been subsequently laid under contribu- tion in the preparation of Hindu Chemistry by Dr. P. C. Ray and in the work of Gondal. 3 Encyclopaedia Britannica—11th Edition. 4 Encyclopaedia Britannica—11th Edition. 0 recognised that * * * * external characters were more or less accidental. * * * In 1809 exact measurements of crystalline forms of many minerals were made. * * * In 1819 and 1S21 * * * impetus to optical examination. * * * Under the microscope * * exact determination (1867).” It would thus appear that in the west the scientific era is essentially modern, to be counted only by generations. All writers on minerals and allied subjects have up to the beginning and the first two decades of the 19th century been interested only in such aspects as would, in modern phraseology, be regarded as mainly 1 2 unscientific.’ Such Hindu writers on minerals in ancient and mediaeval mines are a legion. It has been a fashion for long to credit very little of original achievements in secular literature and civilisation to the people of Hindustan. But this notion is being falsified by the explorations and researches of Indologists. So far as minerals and jewels are concerned, Sanskrit literature1 has been very prolific in producing treatises which have varied from epoch to epoch, according to the changes in the culture of the people. We have already referred to Dr. Dutt’s survey of the chemico-medical uses of minerals by the ancient Hindus. This work is based on standard Sanskrit medical works and has copious references to the original literature on the subject. Dr.Prafulla Chandra Ray has discussed the historical, chemical, medicinal, metal- lurgical, and generally the scientific values of some of these treatises or sections of treatises in his celebrated History of Hindu Chemistry. The late Dr. Ratndas Sen of Moorshidabad1 contributed in Bengali a monograph on the gems from original Sanskrit sources and edited the Agasli-matam, Ratna-Samgraha and Mani-pariksa, three Hindu works on precious stones. The subject of precious stones and jewels has also received an elaborate and comprehensive treatment in Bengali, especially in their crystallographical, economic, and geological character, in the hands of Prof. Yoges Chandra Roy of Cuttack, who has tried to inter- pret the knowledge of the ancient H indus in the light of the modern sciences. The enlightened Doctor of Music, Raja Sir Saurindramohan Tagore's work on gems called Manimala,3 published in 1881, covers over one thousand pages. This encyclopaedic work compiled in Sanskrit, Hindi, English and Bengali languages has drawn illustrations from over one hundred Sanskrit, English and Persian works. Of these, the number of Sanskrit authorities consulted is sixty-four. Among the modern exponents of Hindu culture in these branches, Dr. Ta- gore’s monumental work was followed by Dr. Sen’s Neither of them, however, tried to combine the East with the West in their endeavours. That has been 1 The Vastuvidyas, Silpasastras, &c., and other branches of Hindu secular literature will be treated of in a subsequent chapter. 2 With the help of Pandit Kalivara Vedantavagisa (1885). 3 See Ratna-parik$a by Prof. Yogesh Chandra Roy, who has also.noticed the work of Sir Raja, Radhakanta J)ev, the Savda Kuipadnnna, a Sanskrit Encyclopaedia (1822- 1858). done by Dr. Dutt, Dr. Prafulla Chandra and Prof. Yoges Chandra, who have succeeded them and brought their scientific scholarship to bear on the mineral- ogical literature of the ancient Hindus. It is from the learned works of these scholars that the following summary of treatises on metals and gems has been compiled. Mineralogy is not the forte of the Sukra philosophers. They are not specialists in this branch of learning. At any rate, their scope does not aliow them to display any special knowledge regarding the metals and gems. They have to deal with these things, because they are the ‘sinews of war’ and form the kosa (or treasure) or one of the seven constituents of the Rastra or the state. Their knowledge of these valuables must, therefore, depend on the literature of the specialists who flourished along with them. But as the geography as well as chronology of the authors of the Sukra cycle are anything but certain, it is all the more necessary that we should have an idea of the progress of the Hindus in mineralogical knowledge. For it is then only that one can assign the historical and geographical value of the section on metals and gems in Sukranili. The knowledge of the Hindus on the subject of metals has been dis- covered in all branches of Sanskrit literature from the earliest times to the middle of the sixteenth century A, D. From Dr. P. C. Roy’s Survey of Hindu Chemical1 * literature we get pari passu the following epochs of mineralogical culture in ancient and mediaeval India : I. Vedic Literature.3 The following is the list of metals compiled for the Vedic Index3 by Macdonell and Keith : Ay as (bronze, iron), Karsnayasa (iron), Candra (gold), Jatarupa (gold), Trapu (tin), Rajala (silver) Lolia (copper), Lohayasa, Lohi- layasa, Syama (iron), Sydmayasa, S/sa (lead), Suvarna (gold), Hard a (gold), Hit any a (gold). “ Rudra4 * is described as shining with brilliant golden ornaments. * * * The Aswins are also adorned with golden ornaments. The Asuras had plenty of gold and jewels,” ” Blacksmiths6 made spears, swords, hatchets, needles, awls, iron legs for those who had lost their natural ones, iron-forts * * * Goldsmiths melted gold and fashioned bright jewels.” 1 This survey is necessarily connected with the history of medical knowledge of the Hindus, and is in fact another aspect of the same thing. Dr. Ray's work therefore closely follows, and is to a certain extent based upon, that of Dr. Dutt. See Dr. Sen’s chapter on metals in Ratnaraliasya, also Prof. Yogesh Chandra's Essay on metals in Ratnapaviksci. See the History-of Aryan Medical Science by the Tliakur Salieb of Gondal (1895), pp. 134-138,145-147, and Medicine of Ancient India, Part I, Osteology (Oxford, 1907) by Dr. Hoernle, pp. 1-18. 1 See Atliarava-Veda in the Harvard Oriental Series pp. 17 (amulet of lead), 35 (gold amulet), 272 (amulet of three metals). 3 See Yol. II, p. 584. 4 Rajendralal Mitra's Indo-Aryans, Vol. I, p. 227, which gives several evidences from the Yedas about the knowledge and use of metals. 6 Srinivas Iyengar’s Lifein Ancient India in the Age of Mantras, pp. 28-29, p. 41. Not only as the materials for arts, industries or as ‘measures of value,' but also as having healing powers we find the minerals mentioned in the Vedas. “It is of interest to note the alchemical’ notions which had gathered round gold and lead at the time of the Atharva Veda. * * While gold is regarded as the elixir of life, lead is looked upon as the dispeller of sorcery.” “ According to Roscoe and Schorlemner, the ancient Hindus were the first to discover gold. All the appellations that have been applied to gold by different peoples of the ancient world bear testimony to this statement. * * According to Roscoe and Schorlemner,® the different nations gained their knowledge of extracting iron from its ores from the Hindus." II. Ayurvedic Literature1 2 3 (from the Pre-Buddhistic era to 800 A.D.) (1) The Charalca Samhitd, based on the medical treatise of Agnivesa, mentioned in pre-Ruddhistic literature, indicates “the six metals 4 * and their dhlces as drugs appertaining to the earth," discusses the nature of the alkali, treats of the five kinds of salts, mentions sulphates of copper and iron as minerals for external application, and describes iron,-gold and silver tonics. (2) The Susruta Samhila,B later than the Charalca, par excellence a treatise on surgery, treats of the preparation and use of alkalies and alkaline caustics, recommends the six metals and their calces as drugs in ‘ only one sloka,’ has ‘vague references’ to mercury, and describes lead and tin as vermifuge. (3) The Bower MS.,6 a medical work attributed to one Susruta, copied within the period from 400 to 500 A.D., mentions sulphates of copper and iron as ingredients for hair-dye and considers Bitumen as a product from the follow- ing four metals : gold, copper, silver, iron. (4) The Astdnga hridaya of Vagbhata (probably a Buddhist of Sindh, 8th cent. A.D., but according to Ur. Kunte, of the 1st or 2nd cent. B.C.), ‘the heart or kernel of the eight limbs or divisions of Ayurveda,’ is mainly an epitome of the Charalca and the Susru/a, mentions mercury only once and treats of the preparations of gold, silver, copper, iron and lead. 1 History of Hindu Chemistry, Yol. I, First Edition, pp. vi, vii. 2 Quoted from Major B. D. Basu’s Prize-Essay on the Hindu System of Medicine pub- lished in Guy’s Hospital Gazette (1889). 3 See the Preface to Dr. Dutt’s Materia Medica of the Hindus for the medico-chemical (mineralogical) literature of this period, also references to original authorities in the body of the book. 4 Quoted by Dr. Ray from A. C. Kaviratna’s Translation of Charalca Samhitd, pp. 6-7. 6 See the Bengali translation by Kaviraj Devendranath Sen (1900), p. 268, where seven metals have been mentioned, the additional one being bell-metal, and ranga is used for vanga, i.e., trapu (tin). '■Edited by Dr. Hoernle, published by the Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta (1893-1909). See Part II, Fasciculus II, pp. 162-164. The drugs recommended are mainly vegetable. For references to metals, gold, copper, &c., and gems, see General English Index. (5) During this period also must be mentioned tbe vast mass of Hindu, Jaina and Buddhistic literature in Sanskrit and Prakrit, which embodies the original and characteristic products of Indian intellect, and in which are mirrored the brightest epochs in the history of Indian culture. This is the period1 2 * * * * of Indian history properly so called, as it covers roughly the interval between the age of precursors of Panini® and Buddha and the epoch of Harsavardhana and Houen Tsang,—the last prominent landmark of Hindu civilisation,—or if we push this limit further down, the age of the Palas of Bengal and the Cholas of the South in the 8th and 9th centuries A.D. Dr. Dutt’s Materia Medica does not, from the nature of the subject, refer to any authorities other than medical. Dr. P. C. Ray’s work also is silent about the non-Ayurvedic branches of Indian literature during this period of over r,6oo years regarding the light they throw on alchemy, medicinal preparations, metallurgical operations, technical arts, the use of coins, arms and implements, &c., and the theory and practice of the transmutation of metals. It is impossible to collect all the information on the subject of metals that this non-medieal literature in Sanskrit and Prakrit may yield. Dr. Gustav Oppert’s Essay on the weapons and w7ar implements of the Ancient Hindus, and Dr. Rajendralal Mitra’s essay on Architecture, Dress and Ornament in ancient India, Furniture, Domestic Utensils, Musical instruments, Arms, &c,, in ancient India in the first volume of his Indo-Aryans, as well as the historical works on Indian Art (including Architecture, Sculpture and Painting) by Fergusson, Havell, Coomaraswamy, Vincent Smith, and Manomohan Ganguly casually bring before us stray evidences from the literature and secular achieve- ments of this period. The following evidence of Mr. Schofl, in his edition of the Periplus, published with the object of throwing light on ancient Commercial Geography and History, tells its own tale : “ Philostratus of Lemnos, about 230 A.D., mentions a shrine in Taxila in which were hung pictures on copper tablets representing the feats of Alexander and Porus. The various figures were portrayed in a mosaic of orichalcum, silver, gold, and oxidized copper, but the weapons in iron. The metals were so ingeniously worked into one another that the pictures which they formed were comparable to the pro- ductions of the most famous Greek artists.” 1 This has been subsequently (p. 74) called the Classical Period—Pre-Buddhistic, Buddhistic as well as Post-Buddhistic—the age of Darsanas, Puranas, Kavyas, &c. For a brief account of the literature of this period, see Sir Bhandarkar’s paper in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1900, pp. 388-408. 2 The date of Panini is still an open question. The nearest limit is that placed by Macdonell at about 350 B.O. Max Muller could not arrive at any decision. About a year before his death, this European savant wrote to Rai Bahadur Sris Chandra Basu, the learned translator of the Astadhydyi of Panini: “ Even Panini’s date is still a riddle to me, both as to his predecessors and his successors. The date now assigned to him in the 4th cent. B.C. is useful as a working hypothesis, but no more. Perhaps you may be able to throw more light on it,” III. Tantric Literature (from 800-1200 A.D.) This is the period of the Empire1 2 3 4 of the Palas in East India and Cholas in South India. The characteristic features of this period, so far as Northern India is concerned, are: (1) in socio-religious life, the further development of Mah&yanic Buddhism, the continuation of the processes of the merging of decadent Buddhism in revived Hinduism, and the completion of the amalgamation* of the mythology of ^aiva-cum-Saktaism with the doctrinal, devotional, and ritualistic machinery of the neo-Buddhistic Theogony, Cosmogony, and Theology ; and (2) in literature, the continuation of Puranas, and the ascendancy of Tantrcis, which, beginning in the early centuries of the Christian era (if not earlier) as hand-books of Hindu socio-religious life, gradually tinged, modi- fied, and swallowed up tlje literature of the Hinduised Buddhists of the Mahayanic school, and finally absorbed (during this period) the whole in- tellectual activity of the people in philosophy, religion, alchemy, and other departments of human thought. The Tantras3 may in a sens be looked upon as the Puranas or Encyclopaedia Indicas of India on the eve of Islamisation. The mineralogical literature of this period includes the following: — (1) The works of Nagarjuna (7th-8th cent. A.D ?), the founder and embodiment of Mahayanism, and the author of alchemical Tantras. (a) Rasamava gives the tests of a pure metal, treats of the extraction of Zinc from Calamine, mentions the six metals, treats of the colouring of metals, and describes an apparatus for killing metals. (b) Rasaratnakai a' treats of the purification of minerals, the extraction of Zinc from Calamine, dissolution of gems, and mentions several apparatus. (2) Vrinda’s Siddhayoga (900 A.D.) mentions Nagarjuna as an authority, and closely follows Charaka, Susruta, and Vdgbhata, describes preparations ' See Mr. R. D. Banerji's Memoir on the Palas of Bengal (L. A, S. B,), and Gaudardja- maid, a Bengali work, by Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda ; and Ancient India by Mr. Krisbnaswamy Aiyangar. Dr. Ray calls this> the Transitional Period. 2 A full survey of this aspect of East Indian civilisation has been given in A dyer Gambhira, a learned Bengali work by Mr. Haridasa Palit. Portions of Mr. Palit’s work are being rendered into English as materials for my forthcoming Studies in Hindu Literature. South Indian life of this period is characterised by the rise of two new cults, Saivaism and Vaisnavism militating against and assimilating decadent Buddhism. 3 For this second feature of the period between 800 and 1200 A.D., see Dr. Ray’s resume of authoritative opinions in the first chapter of his Introduction to Hindu Chemis- try Yol. II: “Alchemy was included in the curricula of studies’’ “ at the colleges in connexion with the monasteries of Pataliputra, Nalanda, Vikramasila, Udandapura, See.,” in East India from 5th to 12th cent, A.D. Tamil literature has yet to be studied in the same light. 4 The enumeration of these Tantras and other alchemical works has been made in this book in an order slightly different from that in the History of Hindu Chemistry, as suggested by the new light thrown in Dr. Ray’s Introduction to the 2nd volume. The division into periods of mineralogical literature has also been modified in this book to suit its requirements. Dr. Ray’s division into Tantric and Iatro-chemical periods in the 1st Edition of the First Volume was certainly a tentative one. in which Sulphide of Copper and /Ethiops mineral figure and also a process of killing iron. (3) Chakrapani1 * Datta’s medical treatise (1050 A.D.), written at Gauda during the period of the ascendancy of the Palas, liberally recommends com- pounds of metals as medicinal drugs, treats of the black sulphide of mercury, powder of copper compound and a process of killing iron. (4) Govindabhagavat’s Rasahridaya (1 ith century), written at the request of the king of Kirata land, />., the region adjoining modern Bhutan, mentions the six salts, the noble metals, essential metals, &c., and treats of the proper- ties of metals, IV. Modern Literature (13th cent.- 16th cent.) This is the period : (1) in politics, of (a) the gradual establishment of Islam as a power and the foundation of Moghul Imperialism, (b) small independent Hindu kingdoms, especially the kingdom of Vijayanagara, the “Forgotten Empire ” of the South, which presented a formidable bulwark against the inroads of the new power, and (c) the advent of the Portuguese ;* (2) in socio-religious life, of («) aggressive Islam accelerating the further fusion of Hinduism and Buddhism, and calling forth the assimilative and adaptive capabilities of the people of India, and (b) the rise of new cults in all the four quarters of India ; and (3) in literature, of («) the continuation of Puranas, Tantras and other Sanskrit works, and of (b) the growth and development of new languages and literatures embodying the aspirations of Kavira, Nanaka, Tukarama, and Chaitanya—the founders of the new age. The following Sanskrit works mentioned by Dr. Kay may be placed during this period t3 (1) Rasendra Chuddmani (12th— 13th cent. A.D.) of Somadeva gives tests for killed iron, treats of the residues from lead and tin, and describes the apparatuses. (2) Rasaprakdsasudhdkara of Yasodhara (13th cent.) describes the extraction of zinc from calamine and a process for the fabrication of gold. (3) Rascikalpa (13th cent.) describes the six metals, minerals and the processes of killing them. 1'he author says, “ 1 have performed the experi- ments with my own hands, and have seen them with my own eyes. They are not recorded from mere hearsay or from the dictation of a teacher.’’ (4) Rasa Sara (13th cent.) of Govinda acknowledges its indebtedness 1 Sanskrit Text edited by Kavirajas Sen (Calcutta). 1 “ The political influence of the Portuguese as early as 1533 A.D. is evident from the fact that Sultan Bahadur, King of Gujrat, entered into a treaty with them.’’—Memoirs of Uindusthan. 3 The sub-divisions of this epoch into Tantric and modern according to the History of Hindu Chemistry have not been adopted here. The treatises also have been slightly re-arranged. Vernacular Literature of these four centuries remains yet to be ransaked for a more complete picture of the secular life of the Hindus. to the Buddhists of Tibet, is a comprehensive, but purely chemical work dealing with 18 operations on Mercury. (5) Rasaratna-Satnuchchayax (13th—14th cent.) contains elaborate treat- ment of mercury, copper, pyrites, extraction of zinc and copper, sulphur, cowries, gems, processes of reducing gems to ashes, the pure metals, the metals which emit a foetid odour, and alloys, the laboratory and the accessories. (6) Rasnraja/aksmi (14th cent.) of Visnudeva, court physician to King Bukka of Vijayanagara, mentions the common mineral salts. (7) Rasanaksah amd/ikd (14th cent.) of Mathana Simha, court physician to the king of Malwa, liberally recommends mineral preparations and mentions opium as a drug. (8) Rasaratnakara (14th cent.) of Nityanatha quotes Nagarjuna, Chakra- pani, and Rasendrachudamani. (9) Sayngadhara-Samgraha (1363 A.D.), written at Chitor under the Chauhans, treats of the purification and incineration of seven1 2 metals, but does not mention zinc, has been quoted by Bhava Misra. (10) Dhdturalnamdld (14th cent.), by Devadatta of Gujrat, is “ devoted exclusively to short processes of killing metals and minerals. Six metals are recognised at the outset, but later on Khcirpara,3 * * which is the mineral calamine, is taken as synonymous with jasadaor zinc.” (11) Nighantup by king Madanapala of Kanauj (1374), mentions the metals as drugs, among which there is zinc or jasada. (12) Rasapradipa (16th cent.) describes a detailed process for the prepar- ation of mineral acids and mentions the remedy for the Portuguese disease called Syphilis (Phiringiroga), is quoted by Bhava Misra. (13) Dhdtukriyd (16th cent.) mentions the country of the Phiringis as well as Ruma (Constantinople), enumerates the metals, gives their synonyms and localities, mentions zinc, and speaks of ‘ imitation gold,’ by which one can enrich oneself. (14) Bhdvaprahd&aB (after 1535, about 1570 according to Ur. Wise) mentions new drugs, and the Phiringiroga, and recommends mineral preparations as drugs, greatly eclipsing the vegetable. (15) Rdjanighantu6 (17th cent.) of Narahari Pandit, has a chapter called Suvarnddivarga, and mentions the minerals, treating of their medicinal effects. 1 See the Text published by the Anandasrama Office, Poona (1901), pp. 22-34, or the Extracts in Dr. Ray’s Hindu Chemistry, Vol. I. 2 “ From the time of the Susruta to that of the Rasaratna-Samuchchaya we find all along six metals. * * * In the medical lexicon ascribed to king Madanapala and written about 1374 A.D., Zinc is distinctly recognised as a metal under the desig- nation of Jasada.” Hindu Chemistry, Vol. I, First Edition, p. 86. Sukranitl mentions seven metals and two alloys. 3 “ Zinc is not mentioned by the older writers, such as Susruta”—Dr. Dutt. See the chapter on Zinc in his Materia Medicci. ' See the Edition of Pandit Jivananda Vidyas&gara (1875), pp. 50-56, Chapter IV. 6 See Dr. Dutt’s Preface to his Materia Medica (1877). ’ See the Hindi Edition (1883) published from Benares, pp. 129-142. Section 5. History of Hindu Mineralogy. (b) Literature on Gems. The preceding survey, though scrappy and inadequate, must have made it clear that the Hindu literature on metals has grown mainly round the practical arts connected with industry, medicine and alchemy. The literature on precious stones also has developed through the same circumstances, and has had a similar history.1 It is to one or other of the several epochs in the growth of this metallurgical, medicinal, and alchemical literature on gems that the portions of Sukranili dealing with these topics have to be referred. We, therefore, proceed to give a brief history of this literature. The knowledge of the use of gems has, like that of the metals, been discovered in almost all the branches of Hindu literature, and, therefore, may be conveniently grouped for historical purposes under the same epochs as those for metals. Besides the treatises mentioned above which are common to both metals and gems, there are special treatises which have to be noticed here in connexion with gems. The chief difficulty in the classification into epochs lies, as always in Indian historical problems, in chronology. The dates have been in most cases conjectural. We have noted above that Dr. Tagore’s encyclopaedic work on gems has drawn upon sixty-four Sanskrit treatises. Dr. Rdmdasa Sen’s work in collaboration with Pandit Kalivara Vedantav&gisa is based on Brihal Samhita, Mdnipariksa, Sukranili, Mdnasollasat Amaraviveka, Hemchandra- kosa, Mukt&vali, Rajanighantu, Agnipurana, Garudapurana, Agastyamatam, and Ratna-Samgraha. Another important work cn the subject is Yukti Kal- pataru2, which is in manuscript, but has been used by Prof. Yogesh Chandra Roy in his Ratnaparilcsa. Fully conscious of the chronological defects, we add here a short history ' of the literature on gems in the Indian world : I. Vedic Period Precious stones and jewels are mentioned in Vedic literature. “ Maui is the name in the Rigveda3 and later of a jewel used as an amulet against all kinds of evil. That either pearl or diamond is denoted is not clear. * * The Mani is certainly worn round the neck.” “ In the Brahmana of the old recension of 1 The meagreness of this summary would be evident from the facts that (i) it has not been possible to gather information from even the most important works ofnon-Ayurvedic Sanskrit literature ; (ii) ancient Tamil literature has been wholly excluded, and (iii) old Prakrit and vernacular works also have not been touched. 1 Like the Briliat Samhita of Varahamihira (6th cent. A.D.),this work ascribed to Raja Bhoja (probably 11th cent.) is a valuable repository of information regarding things Indian. One manuscript of this work belonging to Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Adityarama Bhattdcharyya , M.A. of Allahabad is in the library of the Panini Office and is being edited with translation and notes for the Sacred Books of the Hindus Series by the present author 3 Macdonell and Keith’s Vedic Index, vol. II. pp. 119-120. See also pp. 304, 350. 10 the Yajurveda jewellery1 * is recommended to be strung on gold.” The Atharva- Veda in Harvard Oriental Series bears the following testimony : “The bit of Hindu folk-lore about the origin of pearls by transformation of rain-drops falling into the sea * * * * is at least ten centuries old. Born in the sky, ocean-born, brought hither out of the river, this gold-born shell* is for us a life-prolonging amulet.” II. Classical Period3 4 * (800 B.C. —800 A.D.) 1. Charaka mentions gems as drugs appertaining to the earth, and gives a formula of ‘ the powder of pearl ’ compound. 2. Susrula1 mentions pearls, vidruma, diamond, vaiduryya, sphatika (quartz) and other gems as cool and being antidotes to poison and useful in ocular diseases. 3. The Epics and Puranas refer to precious stones as ornaments for buildings, palaces, and images. The court of Yudhisthira, the cities of Dwaraki and Ayodhya, the chariots, umbrellas, temples, &c., all testify to the use of emeralds, beryls, rubies, &c. We also read of gifts made in diamonds, pearls, corals and rubies, and also of plants, cows and hills made of gems.8 The Mahabhdrata has often referred to vaiduryya, vidruma, sphatika, suryya- kanta, chandrakanta, indranila, padmaraga, diamond and marakala. 4. Brihat Samhita6 * of Varahamihira (505-587 A.D.) has four chapters on the examination of gems, refers to many previous Ralnasastras, describes the characteristics of 22 gems, considers five of them only to be principal, begins the section on diamonds thus; “A good gem brings prosperity to the king, and a bad one brings misery. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the properties of gems with the help of persons learned in the science.” 1 Mitra's Indo-Aryans, Vol, I, p. 239. 1 Atharva-Veda in Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. I, pp. 161-162. 3 This would include some of theUpaui§ads, the systems of philosophy, the epics, the literature of the precursors of Charaka and Panini as medical men and grammarians, the literature of Buddhism, both Hinayana and Mahayana, the Kavyas and other products of Vikramadityan era, the more important Puranas, and some of the Tantras. See the volumes on the History of Sanskrit Literature by Max Muller, MacdonelJ, Weber, and Horrwitz. Max Muller s volume was long out of print, but has been recently published by the Panini Office, Allahabad. See also the paper on the Character and Origin of the Puranas by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar in the Modern Review (Calcutta), Vol. XI, pp. 72-79, and the Dynasties of the Kali Yngu by Pargiter (Oxford University Press, 1913). 4 See p. 268 of the Bengali translation of Susruta by Kaviraja Devendra Nath Sen. 6 Prof. Yoges Chandra Roy’s Bengali work as well as Tagore’s Manimala. 6 See Chidambram Iyer’s Brihat Samhita (1884), pp. 164-174. This work introduces us to the meteorological, agricultural, zoological, architectural, medicinal and astronomi- cal ideas of the Hindus in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D , and “ is one huge attempt to interpret the language of nature and ascertain its bearing on the fortunes of men and nations.’’ Those who are interested in the influence of Geography on History will find this ancient Hindu scientist partially anticipating Bodiu, Montesquieu, Hegel, Buckle and Bagehot by full one thousand years. III. Pala-Chola or Tantric Period (800-1200 A.D.) 1. Rasaratndkara1 of Nagarjuna (8th cent.), the Mahdyanist, treats of the extraction of the essence of vaikranta, dissolution of gems (pearls, &c.), killing of diamond. 2. Agnipurana (9th cent.) testifies to Tantric influence, treats of the examination of gems, enumerates 36 precious stones, describes 8 only as Maharatnas. 3. Garudapurana (9th cent.) testifies to Tantric influence, also treats of the examination of gems and enumerates them, mentions Turkey, considers 12 gems as principal, discusses the features to be noticed in a gem before estimating value. 4. Agastyamatam (later than'Garuda, but previous to Visnudharmottara) mentions Arab and Turkey, enumerates ten gems, recommends the use of nine gems for the propitiation of nine planets, is quoted in Yukti Kalpataru, mentions pushparaga, vaiduryya, gomeda, sphatika (quartz), and pravala as five uparatnas or inferior gems, notices the aspects to be noted in a good gem. 5. Visnudharmottarapurana (10th cent.), really a part of Garudapurana, bases its enumeration of precious stones on the Agnipurana and examinations of them on the Garuda, mentions nine gems* as maharatna. 6. Jyotisaratnamala of Sr ipati, the astronomer (10th cent.), enumerates the same nine gems as sacred to the nine planets that are mentioned in Sukraniti. 7. Matsyapurdna describes a huge lake with diverse gems, in its 128th chapter. 8. Yukti Kalpataru (nth cent.) quotes Garudapurana and Visnudharmot- tarapurana as authorities, is similar to Agastyamatam in certain particulars regarding the examination of gems, gives technical terms used in Ratna Sastra, treats of “ horses, elephants, ornaments, flags, umbrellas, seats, ministers, ships,” etc,, besides jewels, and frequently quotes from an author of the name of Bhoja, mentions manikya, vajra, vidruma, gomeda, mulcts, vaidurryya, indranila and marakata as the eight principal gems. 9. Ratnasangraha'oi Maharsi Simha(i2th cent.) consists of only 21 slokas, but gives a brief description of all the gems, refers to the prosperity of Yavanas, does not mention vidruma. 1 Dr. Ray’s Hindu Chemistry, Yol. II, pp. 8-9. 2 According to Sukraniti the Maharatnas are nine in number. About nine gems as favourites of nine planets, see sloka 21 of Adhy&ya 2 of Jdtalcu P&rijutii, translated by Subrahmaniya Sastri and printed at Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay (1903), p. 24. Edited and published by Dr. Sen together with his Bengali monograph on precious stones. ( 70 ) IV, Modern Period (1200-1600 A.D.) 1. Rasara-tnasamuchchaya (13th- 14th cent.?) mentions vaikranta,1 * 3 enumer- ates 27 sages skilled in alchemy, among whom Vyadi® is one, enumerates and describes the gems as agencies which help the fixation or coagulation of mercury, treats of the process of reducing gems to ashes. 2. Dhaturatnamdld (14th cent.) treats of the properties of pearls, coral, diamond, and the modes of their incineration. 3. Nighantu of Madanapala (14th cent.) has a few verses about gems also. 4. Dhalukriya (16th cent.) gives the synonyms of pearls, coral, etc. 5. B/tdvaprakdsa (16th cent.) also refers to gems, discusses their effects as drugs, enumerates several new uparatnas or inferior gems. 6. Rdjanighantu (17th cent.) recommends the use of gems for the propitiation of planetary deities*, indicates Tantric influence, and treats of their medicinal effects. From the foregoing history of mineralogical literature of the Hindus ex- tending over 2,500 years, it would have been evident that there are two features which characterise it : — (1) that it is a record of continuous growth : Indian mineralogical litera- ture does not present the case of an arrested development but has grown from epoch to epoch, utilising and assimilating the new conditions4 according to the changes in the cultural environment of the country, and displaying novel features according to the altered circumstance® of the times. (2) that, like every other branch of Hindu culture, it has been built up by the joint and cumulative effort of the people of the whole of India : Punjab, Gujrat, Rajputana, Madhyadesa, Bengal, Maharastra and Daksinatya. Each quarter has contributed to the growth and development of Indian mineralogical literature, according to its opportunities, by supplying either 4great masters’ or commentators as the need arose. Thus among the heroes of Hindu medicine and mineralogy, Charaka belongs to the Punjab, Susruta is claimed by Punjab as well as Benares, Vagbhata belongs to Sindh (Western India), Vrinda to the Deccan, Narahari Pandit is claimed by Kashmir, but belongs probably to Maha- rastra, Chakrap&ni to Gauda (Bengal), Sarangadhara to Rajputana, Visnudeva to Vijayanagara, Devadatta to Gujrat, Madanapala to Kanauj, Mathanasinha to Malwa, and Bhavamisra to some part of Madhyadesa (i.e. the U. P.). 1 Prof. Yoges Chandra considers this to he the first mention of vaikranta. But the dis- covery of Nagarjuna’s Rasaratnfilcura has pointed to it some four or five centuries earlier. * This VySdi has been mentioned in Garudapurana as specialist in detecting artificial pearls. 3 See the Hindi Edition (1883), p. 139-142. Published from Benares. 4 For the ‘ original ’ features in the successive works of the so-called commentators, see the account of Sanskrit medical treatises in Kaviraja Birajacharana Gupta’s Bengali work, Vanau$ctdhidarpana (Auddy Co, Calcutta, 1908), pp. 30, 33, 34, 35, 36. In this the author has presented a learned treatment of the History of Hindu medical literature, and has discussed the questions of priority, interpolations, &c., by reference to original texts. Section 6. General remarks on Metallurgy1 in Hindu lijc and thought. We shall first mention all the references in Sukranlli bearing on the subject of metals, whether (i) as indicating metallurgical, alchemical, medicinal or artistic and commercial uses made of them by the ancient Hindus or (2) as indicating their theoretical or scientific knowledge about the diverse pro- perties of metals and their uses in society. A study of these references will give us (1) an estimate of certain aspects of the material civilisation of the Hindus, (2) an idea of the geographical influences in which portions of the work might have been composed, and (3) incidentally enable us to determine the age of certain parts by comparison with the other works on the subject, as described in the preceding section. It may be remarked here that the “distribution” of the mines, metals, stones and gems mentioned in Sukraniti covers practically a chapter of the whole Economic Geology of Ancient and Mediaeval India. The Himalayan regions, Burma, Rajputana, the Deccan and the Indian ocean are the principal localities from which the minerals were derived in those days. Some of these regions have been identified, others not. It would appear that commercial in- tercourse was sufficiently active in promoting the formation of all-India ‘ markets,’ or rather “world-markets” for the valuables. It is therefore very difficult to give a ‘local’ character to the mining and allied topics referred to in Sukraniti. Extent and Importance. On this subject of mining* * in ancient India, the Ar/hasdslra of Kautilya is a fuller and more definite document than the work of Sukracharyya. The economic and financial condition of the Maurya times (4th—3rd cent. B.C.) is vividly mirrored forth in this treatise. “ According to it, there were two classes of mines, vis. (1) ocean-mines and (2) land-mines. * * * T|ie duty of the Superintendent of ocean-mines was to look •'after the collection of diamonds, and other precious stones, pearls, corals, &c. * * * T|ie Superin- tendent of land-mines had to perform the difficult work of prospecting and discovering new mines on plains and mountain slopes. * * * Silver ores are those which have the colour of sankha and do not emit much foam and smoke. Similarly, we find mentioned the properties of the ores of gold, bitumen, copper, lead, tin, iron, &c. * * * The Brahmana who has committed heinous offence ® ® may be condemned to the mines.” The fables and fairy legends3 in which gold, silver and precious stones play an important part also tell their own tale. In the appendix to his 1 Birdwood’s Paris Universal Exhibition of 1878, pp. 20-C9 (2nd Edition). * See the paper on Some Glimpses of India in the cuje of Chandragupta by Mr. Narendra Nath Law, M.A., B L., in the Modern Review for April, 1911. " See also Lalbehari Day’s Folk Tales of Bengal (MacMillan & Co.) and Shaikh Chilli’s Folk Tales of Hindusthan (Panini Office, Allahabad) for the stories, respectively, regarding the origin of rubies, and of the Seven Goldsmiths, Indian Mythology1 Mr. Fausboll remarks In all cases the greater part of the Folk-Tales, both on the whole and in many separate characteristics, point back to India* as the land of their birth. ® * ® And when the old Greek authors Herodotus, Ktesias, Strabo and yElian speak of gold-digging ants ® ® * it is evident that these tales are only a reflection of the imaginative mind of India. Some of the principal elements in the fables are gold, silver and precious stones. * ® ® In India we read of serpents (naga, sarpa) in ant hills full of gold (Panchatantra III, 5,10), of golden hamsas (Panchatantra III, 6, Jataka Nr. 136), of the Naga who makes a present of jewels to the king who saved its life (Jataka Nr. 386), of the princess who will only marry one who has seen the golden city (Kathasarit Sagara V, 24), of the golden lotuses (K. S. S. V, 25), of Siva’s garden, of golden trees with branches of jewels and flowers and with clusters of pearls (K. S. S. IX, 52), and so forth. How does it happen that precious metals and minerals play so important a part in India’s tales (and therefore also in those originating from there) ? The simple reason is because India has always been richly endowed with the same. An early proof of this fact we gather from the records of the ancient Greeks. Thus whilst Megasthenes relates that, whilst the land on its surface bears all kinds of cultivated fruits, it has underneath numerous veins of all sorts of metals, for it is in possession of much gold and silver, and not a little copper and iron, yea, even tin and other metals which are used in the manufac- ture of useful articles and ornaments, as well as implements of war. He further says that Taprobane (Ceylon) produces more gold and more large pearls than the continent of India, and people’s raiment is interwoven with gold and ornamented with gems.1 2 3 ® * ® Another proof is the numbers of mines still being worked in India. According to Constable’s Hand Atlas of India there are about 59 gold mines, 14 silver mines, 34 diamond mines, besides 105 iron, 55 copper and 21 lead-mines. The great conquerors whose desire it was to reach India also give evidence of this. * * * Considering these things, can we wonder that we in India find a God of Riches (Kuvera), a god for those riches that grow in the mountain and not those that grow in the fields ? Precious stones and metals have also left their indelible marks on the Tamil classics of the Augustan age which,according to Mr. Aiyangar, should be placed in the 2nd century A.D. Two celebrated classics, the Silappadhi-Kdram (epic of the Anklet) and Manirnekhalai (Jewel-belt), which incidentally bring before us a vivid picture of the political, religious, educational, economic and social life of the early Cholas, derive their titles, dramatis personce, scenes and incidents from the morals and manners of people dealing in gold, rubies and jewels. 1 Luzac and Co., London, 1903, pp. 189-93. 2 Benfey’s Translation of Panchatantra. 3 See footnote on p. 192 of Indian Mythology. The author of the History of Indian Shipping quotes the following from “ A geologist’s contribution to the History of Ancient India ” by Prof. Ball in the Indian Antiquary for August 1884: “Even in the Mosaic Period (1491-50 B.C.) precious stones which were to a great extent a speciality of India appear to have been well known,’’ Prof. Ball also rejects the view held by Lassen, Heeren and others that gold (and silver) was not indigenous to India but was imported from abroad, eg., Tibet, Burma, and Africa. The following evidence given by Mookerji derived from Seal's The Chemical Theories of the Ancient Hindus gives a bright picture of the economic mineralogy of Hindu India: “ Broadly speaking, there were three great discoveries in applied chemistry to which India owed her capture of the world-markets : (1) the pre- paration of fast dyes for textile fabrics by the treatment of natural dyes like manjislha with alum and other chemicals ; (2) the extraction of the principle of indigotin from the indigo plant by a process, which, however crude, is essentially an anticipation of modern chemical methods ; and (3) the tempering of steel in a manner worthy of advanced metallurgy, a process to which the mediaeval world owed its Damascus Swords.” Ornaments. According to authors of the Sukra cycle, as to all Hindu writers, the Earth is full of wealth,1 and Kuvera2 is the deity presiding over it. They appreciate Kuverata3 or the possession of wealth more than many other qualifications, though, of course, it is inferior to Isata or over-lordship, i.e., sovereignty. They would therefore enjoy the good things of this world and advise others to do it. According to them ornaments constitute some of the important valuables4 of the state, and the ruler should appoint females to look after them. These are some of the items among the gifts6 of the king to his officers, and we are told that the good servant6 is satisfied with those that he receives and does not hanker after things not given. The love of ornaments among Sukra’s country- men is also indicated by the frequent metaphorical7 uses of the term in Sukraniti. Thus " the ornament, the kingdom, strength, learning, or wealth does not adorn a man so much as courtesy and gentleness. Speed in horses, splendour in jewels, mercy in kings, blandishments in prostitutes, sweet voice in singers, charity in rich men, prowess in soldiers, abundance of milk in cows, restraint in ascetics, eloquence- in learned men, impartiality in councillors, truthfulness in witnesses, devotion in servants, good counsels in ministers, silence in fools, faithfulness in wives, are the proper ornaments.” Three uses of ornaments have been mentioned in the treatise -(1) as valuables of the treasury and as marks of honour conferred on office-bearers, as we have just noted, (2) as decorations for the person of females;—“ The woman should put on clothes, ornaments, jewels given9 by the father-in-law, 1 Sukra I, S49-350, 357-358. “ Sukra II, 846-848. 2 Sukra 1,151, 160, 361-362 6 Sukra II, 12. a Sukra IV, iii, 4-5. 7 Sukra III, 291-292, 471-479. - Sukra I, 703-704. 8 Sukra IV, iv, 21-22. mother-in-law, husband, parents, brothers, uncles and relatives (3) for adorning images of the rajasika1 type. That ornaments are important items in the material life of the people is likewise shown by the distinct recognition of the social offence committed by those who use others’ clothes, ornaments® gold, &c. The following is taken from RajendralaPs Indo-Aryans “ In the Nirukta of Yaska and the grammar of Panini not only ornaments, but names of various kinds of them are enumerated, and Manu defines the nature and duties of the caste whose special vocation was to manufacture them, and the punishment meet for fraudulent adulteration of gold. The old vocabulary of Amarasinha gives names for crowns, crests, and tiaras for the head, of rings, flowers and bosses for the ears ; of necklaces of one to a hundred rows, and of various shapes and patterns ; of armlets and bracelets ; of signet and other rings for the fingers ; of zones and girdles for the waist of both men and women ; as also of ornaments of bells, bands and chains for the legs and ankle.” The sculptures of Bhuvaneswara and the bas-reliefs of Sanchi and Amaravati exhibit specimens of a great variety of ornaments which have been described with illustrations by Rajendralal. The countrymen of Sukracharyya are thus neither barbarous people who do not understand the importance of valuable commodities and who have not the aesthetic sense to appreciate them as materials for decorative and utilitarian arts. Nor are they the Utopians who set no store by precious metals, but employ gold and silver for their vessels of baser use. We know that the Utopia or ‘Nowhere ’ of Sir Thomas More is peopled by men among whom the wearing of gold is a reproach and where fetters of bondmen are made out of it. ‘‘Gold and silver, whereof money is made they do so use as none of them doth more esteem it than the very nature of the thing deserveth. And then who doth not plainly see how far it is under iron: as without the which man can no better live than without fire and water. Whereas to gold and silver nature3 hath given no use, that we may not well lack : if that the folly of men had not set it in higher estimation for the rareness’ sake. * * * * And these metals, if they should altogether at once be taken from the Utopians no man there would think that he had lost the worth of one farthing.” I hese are the teachings of the socialistic and the political reformer of England in the 16th century. But the authors of the Sukra cycle are not revolutionary idealists running away from the troubles and imperfections of the existing state of things into an Ideal Republic of nowhere. They are sane men dealing with the world as it is, and have to recken with the human passions as they are. They therefore do not taboo wealth and enjoyments from their scheme of life, but try to regulate them as far as necessary. 1 Sukra IV, iv, 163-164. a Sukra IV, v, 151-152. * See the chapter on “ journeying or travelling abroad with diverse other matters cunningly reasoned ” in the Utopia of Sir Thomas More (English translation). ( 81 ) Suin'a on Mining and Metallurgy. In this pursuit of wealth they do not scruple to disembowel the “ unsunned ” treasures of the underground universe and search its entrails wide and deep. It is because of this that we have the very old European tradition about the ‘ wealth of Ind ’ in the gorgeous east which " with richest hand showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold.” Mining becomes thus one of the occupations of the people, and the rulers have a right to its yield. Among other functions the Suman/ra1 or Finance Minister of the state has to study the amount of revenue realised through mines. This income from the mines is known to be Itara or other than'pdrthiva (i.e., terrestrial), according to the Public Finance of the Sukra statesmen. " Duties, fines, royalties on mines,1 2 prices and contibu- tions, etc., are known to constitute non-terrestrial income according to writers and specialists.” The mention of mines3 4 among the regions of Sulka or duty which is the king’s share from the buyer and the seller points also to the import- ance of mining as an item that feeds the Income-schedule of the State Budget. So we read : “The king should realise from minerals'* at the following rates ; half of gold, one-third of silver, one-fourth of copper, one-sixth of iron, tin and lead, half of gems, half of alkalies ; after the expenses have been met.”. The ruler is also advised to appoint miners5 to their proper works and store by minerals6 carefully for emergency or other purposes. - .. . . Not only the miners, but goldsmiths, coppersmiths and other metal-workers as well require patronage and “ protection ” of the State. “ The king should always keep in his kingdom the tools and implements of the metal-workers’ after inspecting them ” and find occupation for "those who make lighter machines, gunpowder, arrows, cannon-balls, and swords, and cpnstruct various tools and implements, arms and weapons, bows and quivers, etc.; those who prepare ornaments of gold, jewels, etc., builders of chariots, stone-carvers, blacksmiths, and those who enamel metals.” This enumeration of the industries connected with metallurgy to be en- couraged by the king involves also a good deal of legislation on the sub- ject. Thus among the laws to be promulgated among the people one is that “ falsehood must not be practised by anyone with regard to the standard of 1 Sukra II, 211-212. 2 Sukra II, 671-672. The pdrthiva or terrestrial income accrues from the rights of sovereignty over lands, rivers, seas, lakes, tanks, wells, &c. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 212-213. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 283-235. Here I beg leave to correct my translation on p. 148 of Vol. XIII, Parts I and II of the Sacred Books of the Hindus Series. Vanga is tin and not zinc. The words for zinc in Sukraniti are rangaka and jascida. The reader is requested to understand these three lines as translated in this section. 6 Sukra II, 404-405. 0 Sukra IV, ii, 60-63. ’ Sukra 1Y, iv, 85-87. Sukra II, 394-398. weights and measurements, currency, some kinds of metals1 * etc.” So also “ the man who adulterates3 4 metals deserves double the punishment.” State inter- vention in Industry cannot be one-sided. If it is the duty of the ruler to maintain the artists and artisans and thus " protect ” them with work and wages, it is also his lookout to see that the people should be protected from them. Hence guardianship of the state must be exercised against the dangers of false and counterfeit coinage and the passing off of base metals for genuine and high class commodities. An account of the fabrication of imitation-jewellery in Hindu India has been preserved in the dramatic literature of the ist cent. B. C. In the Troy Cart of Sudraka a question is raised about the identity of certain ornaments produced in a court of justice. We quote the following from that play published in Wilson’s Hindu Theatre :s ilJudge,—Do you know these ornaments ? Mother. — Have I not said ? They may be different, though like. I cannot say more ; they may be imitations made by some skilful artist. Judge.— It is true. Provost, examine them ; they may be different, though like; the dexterity of the artists is no doubt very great, and they readily fabricate imitations of ornaments they have once seen, in such a manner that the difference shall scarcely be discernible.” The examination of metals as to their genuineness and worth thus becomes an important function of the state as well as people. The Sukra statesmen know very well that metals'* may be made to acquire artificial character, and have men- tioned the preparation of artificial gold5 as an art or one of the sixty-four kolas. The testing6 of minerals must therefore be an important branch of learning and is referred to as a ha/d. And the wise men7 are those who know how to determine their value by carefully examining them. One test is given in the following lines : “ If two pieces8 of a metal—one pure and the other suspected 1 Sukra I, 587-592. * Sukra IV, v, 660. So also Manu advises the king to cause a dishonest goldsmith to be cut to pieces with razors. IX, 292. a Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, II, p. 85. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 171-172. where we are told that gems also have .defects, but they are * natural.’ This preparation of artificial metals, however, does not seem to be the trans- mutation of “ base ” metals, e.g., copper or lead into gold or silver, but the manufacture of imitation gold or silver, i.e., of substance having their lustre, or the laying of gold or silver deposits on copper and other metals. Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray proves this in his Ratna-Parikiiu by examining the extracts from Rasaratna-samuchchaya and Garuda- puraga. 5 Sukra IV, iii, 178. This does not refer to the alchemical transmutation of base metals into gold, but the manufacture of imitation gold. 6 Sukra IV, iii, 180. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 171-172. “ Sukra IV, ii, 178-179. Specialists would do well to examine the accuracy of this test in a laboratory. as alloy—be successively passed through the same hole, and threads of equal lengths be drawn out of them and weighed, and if the weights of both are equal, then the metal1 2 is unalloyed, otherwise not.” We have already referred to some of the industries connected with metal- work.* The use and manufacture of seals and emblems have been mentioned in several places.3 Thus, “one should put on the clothes, uniforms and emblems granted by the king ; ” “ they should put down their seals over it at the end of the writing “ the king should give to each cultivator the deed of rent having his own mark (seal).” These and other manufactures are sug- gested also in the enumeration of the kal&s, e.g., (i) melting,4 powdering, incineration &c., of metals, (2) the knowledge of the mixtures of metals and herbs or medicinal plants, (3) analysis and synthesis of metals, (4) preparation of alloys, (5) alkalies and salts; (6) cleansing, polishing, (7) dyeing of stone and metal vessels, (8) making of ornaments, (9) enamelling, (10) preparation of tools and implements, &c.” Metals thus occupy a very important place in several aspects of the secular life of the people as described in Sukraniti. They have a religious bearing also. For the “ images of gods5 are made of sands, pastes, paints, enamels, earth, woods, stones and metals,” the strongest being those of metals. This religious branch of the metal-craft carries with it a very severe res- ponsibility. It compels the artist to be very particular about his workman- ship and to study the canons of Hindu art, in order to conform to them as closely as possible. For, though defects may be allowed in images of a temporary character, e.g., those made by painting, drawing, or of sand, earth &c., and in the natural images of gems and stones picked up in rills and hills, those which are to be durable must be tested very minutely and must satisfy the condition of good Art. Thus we are told that “ one should consider the defects of propor- tion in images of stones6 and metals only.” If the sculptor bungle with the work entrusted to him and do not construct the image according to the prescribed measurements of the limbs, his wealth and life would bejeopardised and his misery1 will daily increase. Metals and stones in minor arts. We thus see that, besides the important part played in commercial, social, religious, and literary lives of the people of India, the metals and gems have had their influence on Indian art also. Architecture as well as sculpture of Hindu- stan bear abundant testimony to the treatment of dhatus and ratnas by artists. 1 See also the rule laid down in Sukraniti about the relation between weight and volume. IV, ii, 177. 2 Notice also the references to the manufacturers of badges, sceptres, bridges, coins, &c., Sukra II, 853-855 ; I, 722. a Sukra II, 490-491; II, 739-740 ; IV, ii, 247. 4 Sukra IV, iii, 145-150, 107-168, 179-193. 6 Sukra IV, iv, 147-151. " Sukra IV, iv, 305-309. 1 Sukra IV, iv, 157-159, la their historical works Fergusson, Rajendralal, Havell, Vincent Smith, and Manoniohan Ganguly have sufficiently noted the manipulation of metals and gems in Hindu art. The tenth chapter of Vincent Smith’s work, that on Hindu minor arts, deals, among other things, with the following topics relevant to the points discussed here : (i) coinage, (2) gems, seals and jade, (3) jewellery, (4) reliquaries and gold images, (5) silver paterae and bowls, (6) copper-vessels. The use of metals for the fabrication of domestic vessels in Hindu India is thus described by Dr. Rajendralal in the paper on Furniture, Domestic Utensils etc., in Indo-Aryans, Vol. I:—“ The Rig-Veda alludes to golden cups ; The Sutras and the Mahdbharata frequently refer to vessels of other than gold and clay.’ Tvashta, the Vulcan of the Hindu pantheon, was the most celebrated artificer of metallic arms, but the Ribhus greatly excelled him in the formation of sacrificial vessels of wopd and metal. ' ‘ In a mediaeval work, the Kalika Pur Ana, plates made of gold, are described to remove excesses of the three humours, and promote the strength of vision '; thohe1 of silver favourable to vision and inimical to bile, but calculated to increase the secretion of wind and phlegm; those of bronze, agreeable and intellectual, but favourable to undue excitement of blood and bile; those of brass,' wind-generating, irritating, hot, and heat-and-phlegm-destroying; those of magnetic iron, most beneficial in overcoming anasarea, jaundice and anaemia. The Yuktikalpdta.ru recommends that drinking cups for royal personages should be made of gold, silver, crystal or glass.” The Periplus describes Muziris, a port on the Arabian coast, whence Romans used to carry pearl, ivory, diamonds, rubies, topazes, stibium, coral, flint, glass, brassj arsenic and lead. Mr. Aiyangar in his Ancient India quotes the Tamil classic Ahana-nAru to prove the flourishing condition of “ Musiri to which come the well-rigged ships of the Yavanas.” Section 7. The Doctrine of Seven Metals.' Sukraniti mentions seven metals viz., suvarna (gold), rajata (silver), tamra (copper), vanga (tin), sisa (lead), rangaka (zinc) and loha (iron) under the name of dhatus ; and two alloys under the name of sankaras, vis., kamsya i.e., bronze or bell-metal (which is made of vanga and tamra) and pittala or brass (which is made of tamra and ranga). The names, number, and classes of metals as given in Sukraniti are not, however, the same as in other works on the subject in Sanskrit literature. The 1 Sukra IV, ii, 171-176. The reader is requested to note the following changes in my translation of Sukraniti: He may read bell-metal for bronze on page 144, and should under- stand zinc wherever there is tin and tin wherever there is zinc. The word vanga is generally a term for tin. But in Dluitukriyaot the 16th century ranga is also used to denote tin. See sloka 12 in Dr. Ray’s edition of Sanskrit Text. That is perhaps the only use. So I take ranga as the term for zinc (and not tin, as in the Translation). See Prof. Yoges Chandra’s Ratnaparik§d. chemico- medical treatises that treat specially of the minerals are very diverse in the matter of enumeration, classification and synonyms. Each represents in fact to a certain extent the cultural characteristics of the place or epoch in which it was composed. The word rangaka1 which has been taken here as a synonym for zinc has been used only thrice.1 2 3 Another word has also been used as a synonym for rangaka or zinc. This \s jasadd.* But the terms rangaka and jasada are not to be met with in older literature, nor is even the substance which is denoted by these terms mentioned there as one of the metals. Vedic Period. In Vedic literature we meet with six or perhaps seven metals : (i) Gold4 * called by the names of Candra, Jatarupa, Suvarna, Harita, and Hiranya, (2) Silver called Rajata,6 * (3) Copper called Loha,6 (4) Tin called trapu1 (5) Iron8 called Ayas, krisnayasa, syama, (6) Lead called Sisa 9 Perhaps bronze is also suggested. According to Messrs. Macdonell and Keith, the exact metal denot- ed by the word ayas when used by itself, as always in the Rigveda, is uncertain. As favouring the sense of bronze rather than that of iron may be cited the fact that Agni is called ayo-damstra, (with the teeth of ayas) with reference to the colour of his flames, and that the car-seat of Mitra and Varuna is called ayasthuna (with pillars of ayas) at the setting of the sun. Moreover, in the Vajasaneyi Samhita ayas is enumerated in a list of six metals : gold (hiranya), ayas, syama, loha, lead (sisa), tin (trapu). Here syama (swarthy) and loha (red) must mean iron and copper, respectively ; ayas would therefore seem to mean bronze. In many passages in the Atharvaveda and other books the ayas is divided into two species—the syama (iron) and lohita (copper or bronze). In the Satapatha-Brahmana a distinction is drawn between ayas and lohayasa which may either be a distinction between iron and copper or between copper and bronze. In one passage of the Atharvaveda10 the sense of iron seems certain. Possibly, too, the arrow of the Rigveda which had a tip of ayas was pointed with iron. Copper, however, is conceivable, and bronze quite likely. The Satapatha- Brahmana states that if " well-melted ” it is like gold, referring evidently to bronze. 1 For the antiquity of the word and its history see Sasruta, Madanapala and Dh&tukriya referred to subsequently. * Sukra IV, ii, 173-175, 176, 183, 144. 3 Sukra IV, v, 646-648, 658-659. 4 Max Muller and Keith’s Vedic Index Vol. 1,254,281,31; 11,459,498,504,505. 6 Vedic Index Vol. II, 197. ' Vedic Index Vol. I, 31; II, 234. 1 Vedic Index I, 31,326. 8 Vedic Index I, 31, 32, 151. 0 Vedic Index I, 31, 452. 10 V. 28,1, see Vol. I, p. 272 Harvard Oriental Series. ‘ In Vedic literature iron proper seems to be designated krisnayas or the black metal,’ and copper by lohitayasa or the red metal. Besides gold and silver, several other metals, e.g., iron, lead and tin are mentioned in the white Yajurveda XVIII, 13. In the Chhandogya Upanisad IV, 17, 7, we also read " As one binds gold by means of lavana (borax), and silver by means of gold, and tin by means of silver, and lead by means of tin, and iron by means of lead, and wood by means of iron, and also by means of leather.” At least three metals are mentioned in Atharvaveda,3 used for amulets to be put on against demons, for long life or for safety. These are gold, lead and iron. Vedic literature thus testifies to the antiquity of Hindu metallurgy and to the varieties of nomenclature used in designating the metals. Charaka-Susruta. The Charaka mentions suvarna and five lohds or metals, but does not name any.4 * Kaviraja Avinas Chandra Kaviratna calls them silver, copper, lead, tin and iron. It is to be noted that the word dhdtu does not occur here, and that lolia1 is a generic name for metals, almost like ayas in Vedic literature. The Susruta6 mentions six metals under the heading of trapu (tin) order among the 37 classes of drugs enumerated in Chapter XXXVIII of Sutra- sthana. These are trapu (tin), sisa (lead) tdmra (copper), rajata (silver), krisna- loha (iron), and suvarna. But in Chapter LXIV, while treating of the Lavanas, Susruta mentions 7 metals7 and describes their properties. The additional one is kamsya or bell-metal. A new name is also introduced. This is ranga, perhaps a synonym or misprint for vanga, which is trapu or tin. But if ranga be the correct reading, we have here the authority for the use of the term in the same sense of tin in Madanapala-nighantu and Dhatukriya, works of the fourteenth and sixteenth century respectively. The doctrine of six metals continued. At least five metals are referred to in Mahabharata,8 viz., gold, silver, copper, iron and Kamsya. Antarakosa, a work not later than the 6th century 1 Vol. I, first edition, p. 83. 1 Book I, 10, 35 ; Book V, 28. 8 The Susruta also differentiates iron by the term Krij imlolwt (black metal), though copper is known by its proper name tamra. 4 See the Sanskrit text edited by the Kavirajas Jlevendranath Sen and tJpendranath Sen (1897), p. 7. 6 In the section on the Doctrine of Nine Gems, the two pairs of convertible terms (1) Dhatu andloha, and (2) Ratna and manihavo been treated historically. ” See p. 181 of the Bengali translation of Susruta Samhita by Kavirajas Devendranath Sen and Upendranath Sen (1900). ’ See the Bengali translation, p. 968. 8 Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray’s Ratmparik§& (1904), p. 154. A.D., mentions gold, silver, copper, kamsya, pittala (brass), iron, tin, mercury and sauviranjana (stibmte). Pittala or brass is thus at least as old as the sixth century. It is also mentioned by Varahamihira of the same age. The use of mercury as a drug is also at least as old as Varahamihira. The Rasdrnava1 of Nagarjuna (8th cent.) mentions six lohas or metals : suvarna, rajata, tamra, tiksna (iron), vanga (tin) and bhujcrngama (lead). Here we get tiksna and bhujangama, two new names for substances used since Vedic times. The Rasaralnakara of the same author gives new names to the metals. Thus silver is si/d and tdra, copper is sulva, lead is ndga. The Rasahridaya,% a work of the eleventh century, uses ndga for lead, tiJcsna for iron, and gives three classes of metals: (i) noble, e.g., gold, and silver, (2) essential or substantial, e.g., copper, brass (ara), tiksna and kanta (varieties of iron), and (3) those which emit foetid odours, e.g., lead and tin. The RasapraMsasudhakara of the thirteenth century gives the name (ara for silver. The Rasakalpa of the same age mentions six lohas or metals, e.g., hema (gold), rupya (silver), arka (copper), vanga (tin), aliP (lead) and lauha (iron). Varta and others are also mentioned as alloys. The 14th century. The Rasaralna-samuchchaya of the fourteenth century, which quotes passages verbatim from Rasarnava and other authorities, begins its Fifth Book that on lohas or metals with the following words: ‘ The suddha or pure metals are kanaka (gold), rajata (silver) and loha (iron). The Pud lohas (those emitting foetid odour) are two, viz. : naga (lead) and vanga (tin). The tnisra or alloys are three in number, viz. pittala (brass), kamsya (bell-metal), and varta. The Loha metal is loha or iron, and often conveys different meanings:' Here we have five metals divided into two classes, and the 3 alloys regarded as forming a class by themselves. This enumeration, nomenclature and classi- fication of metals may be compared with those in Sukraniti, thus :— (1) Loha is the generic name for metal in R. R. S. whereas dhatu is the word for it in Sukra. (2) Sukra includes rangaka, a new metal among the pure metals and thus gives the number seven, whereas according to R. R. S. the number is only five, but six later. (3) The alloys are two in Sukraniti, but three in R. R. S., including vartaloha 1 which is produced from kamsya, copper, pittala, iron and lead and is thus an alloy of five matals.’ The Rasaralna-samuchchaya often uses ayas for iron, and mentions tiksna and kanta as two of its three species. In Book X, 70, it refers to the six 1 See Sanskrit Text edited by Dr. Ray, Yol. II, 89, 90. 2 See Sanskrit Text edited by Dr. Ray, also Hindu Chemistry, Yol. II, p. 11. 2 See Dr. Ray’s edition of the Sanskrit texts in Hindu Chemistry, Yol. II. metals, but mentions only two alloys like Sukraniti. Trapu is the word used here for vanga or tin. The Sarangadharax of the same age recognises seven metals, though it does not mention zinc, but later names nine metals including two alloys, brass and bell-metal, after the nine planets. The fourth chapter named Suvamavarga of Madanapdla-nighantu, another work of the 14th century, however, mentions suvarna, rupya, tamra, kamsya, pittala, ranga or vanga, jasada (zinc), sisa, loha (iron), sulphur, mercury, gems, etc. It gives the synonyms of these metals also, and treats of their properties. It is to be noted that ranga, vanga and trapu are used as synonyms to indicate tin ; and jasada is described as being 4 ranga-sadtisa' i.e., like ranga or vanga. Madanapala and Sukra thus agree in almost all particulars. Both mention the same nine metals. Madanapala does not classify them, and enumerates some more, e.g., sulphur, mercury, abhra, etc., while Sukraniti regards the alloys, brass and bell-metal as forming a category distinct from the unalloyed seven. The only real difference is that Sukra takes rangaka as something different from vanga (which has been always known to be tin). From the composition that he gives of pittala (alloy of copper and rangaka) we find no difficulty in identifying his ranga with zinc. Sukraniti requires to be noted on another point also. This is about the use of the term jasada, which has been given in Madanapala to designate zinc. The jasada and rangaka of Sukraniti are thus synonyms denoting the same substance—zinc. Though it is not rational to argue anything from mere non-mention we may tentatively conclude, subject to the fallacy of argumentum cx silentio, that the portions of Sukraniti dealing with metals must be attributed to people living about or after 1374, the year of the composition of Madanapala-nighantu,8 but not earlier.1 * 3 Subsequent notions. The same seven metals including zinc are mentioned in Dhaturatnamala, also, another work of .the same epoch which gives Kharpara the name of jasada ; and in the Dhatukriya of the 16th century which gives the synonyms of all the metals. In this last work zinc is called jasatwa, jasa-dayaka, rupya- bhrata (brother to silver), charmaka, kharpara, rasaka; 4 and the two alloys mentioned in Sukraniti are also enumerated. The tradition of the seven 1 See Hindu Chemistry, Yol. II, LXX. * See Text edited by Pandit Jivananda Vidyasagara (1875), pp. 50-52. 3 It would be interesting to observe that in Europe also the Doctrine of seven metals held its sway for long. It was supposed that there was a mystic connexion between the planets and the metals. Thus gold, the prince of metals, was the favourite of Sun, the lord of the firmament, liquid mercury was the favourite of the planet Mercury, the changeful deity ; and so on. This idea of the connexion between planets and things of this world will be treated of in the section on the Doctrine of Niue Gems, 4 ‘ Rasaka and Kharpara are the names generally applied to the mineral calamine.’ Dr Ray. metals is continued in the Bhavaprakasa of the 16th century which describes tin by the name of ranga and zinc by jasada. But Rajanigliantu of the 17th century does not mention zinc, though it enumerates the two alloys and seven metals. Ksudrasuvarna is mentioned in the place of zinc. Whether the authors have reckoned only six lohas or seven (as since 14th century downwards), the principle has been to count the pure or unalloyed metals only. Later, the doctrine of seven pure metals is replaced by that of eight and nine metals, without reference to their character as pure or alloys. Thus Dr. Ramadasa Sen quotes a Vaidyaka text which regards gold, silver, copper, iron, Kusya (zinc), mercury, ranga (tin) and lead as the eight principal dhdtus. Another version of the tradition of eight metals is supplied by Danasagata which gives gold, silver, lcamsya (the alloy bell-metal), copper, lead, ranga (tin), iron and raita (brass). The Sukhabodha considers nine metals to be chief, e.g., gold, silver, ara (brass), ndga (lead), copper, ranga (tin), tiksna (species of iron, steel), kamsya (bell-metal) and kanta lauha (species of iron). This list does not give zinc, mentions iron twice, and includes the two alloys which are known to the author as such, according to Dr. Sen.1 It is to be noted, moreover, that in the extracts from Bhavaprakasa and other works just quoted, the word ranga is used not for zinc (as, in Sukrantli, a synonym for jasada), but for vanga, trapu or tin (as in Susruta, Madanapala, and DhatukriyS). Another fact should draw our attention. In the whole literature on the subject from the earliest times, mercury has not been mentioned in any list of metals, except in the above quotation from vaidyaka ; though its use as a medicinal drug has been known since at least the epoch of Sdrangadhara-San■ graha (14th century), 2 according to Dr. Dutt, but according to Dr. Ray, since at least the age of Varahamihira3 (6th century), who mentions ‘ iron and mercury among the aphrodisiacs and tonics’ in Brihat Samhita. Explanation of the number Seven. The foregoing account will have shown that the 1Doctrine of Seven Metals' represents only certain stages in the story of metals in Indian literature. Allowing for the fallacy of argumentum ex silentio, we have placed it in the epoch between the 14th and 17th century. For an explanation or ‘philoso- phy ’ of this doctrine we may hazard a hypothesis. Perhaps it is to be sought 1 See Ramaclasa Sen’s Ratna-mhasija, a Bengali work already referred to. * ‘ The oldest work containing a detailed account of the calcination or preparation of the different metals (such as gold, silver, iron, mercury, copper, tin and lead) is, I believe, a concise treatise on medicinal preparations by Sarangadhara.’—Dr. Dutt’s Preface to his Materia Medica of the Hindus. Dr. Dutt believes that mercury was just coming into use in Chakrapani’s time (11th century). 3 Hindu Chemistry, Yol. I, xlvii. First Edition. ‘ The Ras&rnava of Nagarjutia (8th century) is, as the name implies, the ‘ sea of mercury ’ and extols the virtues of mercury and its various preparations.’ The discovery of this work by Dr. Ray also falsifies the notion of Dr. Dutt and testifies to the antiquity of the internal use of mercury. 12 in the Theory of Mystic Numbers like three, seven, nine, etc., which has had its day in both eastern and western thought. So far as seven is concerned, in India we have the seven Rishis, the seven mouths or tongues of Fire, the seven Killaparavalas or mountains, the seven rivers, the seven planets or grahas, the seven heavens, the seven seas (salt, curd, milk, etc.), the con- stellation of seven stars called saptarsimandala, the seven immortals (chirajivi- nail) etc. The tradition of seven being the number of principal metals may have had its origin in the same tendency of people to tabulate important facts and things of the world according to one or other of the numeral orders. Or, originally, the doctrine may have had nothing to do with mystic numbers— it may have been the result of a simple observation of mineralogical facts. The arguments of Dr. Ray to prove the indigenous origin of Indian alchemy incidentally throw important light on the doctrine of seven metals both in the east and the west, and demonstrate the absence of any mystic connexion between planets and metals in Hindu thought. ‘ One of the most favourite doctrines of the neo-PIatonists was that the metals were engendered in the womb of the earth under the influence of the planets. According to Olympiodorus (5th century A.D.) lead is begotten by Saturn, electrum by Jupiter, iron by Mars, copper by Venus, tin by Hermes, gold by the Sun and silver by the Moon. * * * Varahamihira’s Brihat Samhita, if anything, is a repertory of astrological notions. In vain do we look even there for any chance and solitary reference. The alchemical literature of India is equally silent about it. ® ® * I'he old Greek writers repeatedly refer to the mystic relationship between the seven planets and the seven metals. * * * I'he Arabs who adopted many of the Greek doctrines of alchemy also represented the seven metals by the seven planets. * * But in Sanskrit literature we find invariably six metals. It is only in the Sarangadhara and other later works that we find seven metals;** but this author adds two more to the list and quietly lays down that there are nine metals, which derive their names from the nine planets.* 1 * * Rajputana had been overrun and occupied for a brief period by the Musal- man conquerors shortly before the time of Sarangadhara, and it is reasonable to suppose that he had gleaned some astrological notions from that quarter.’2 Finally, it may be observed that while in India the doctrine of nine gems was influenced by that of nine planets, the doctrine of seven metals was influenced, if at all, by that of seven planets. Section 8. The Economic Mineralogy of Sukrdchdryya's India. (a) The Pure Metals. References to gold as to other minerals in Sukraniti are commercial, financial and industrial. The statesmen of the Sukra cycle are concerned 1 See the discussion in the section on the Doctrine of Nine Gems. 1 Dr. Ray’s Hindu Chemistry Yol. II, lxxxvi—xc. with them principally as marketable commodities and possessing some ‘value.’ Identification of these metals, examination of their genuineness, and determi- nation of their ‘ price ’ in terms of money are the chief topics dealt with by Sukracharyya. A study of these references will thus be a main source of our knowledge of the commercial geography and economic history of India in ancient times, and incidentally of mining,1 * minting, metallurgy and other industries. It is not safe, however, to infer anything as to the locale of Suhraniti from the references to mines and metals, as (i) they are more or less of a vague character and (ii) the mineral products are very mobile and easily transportable, commanding what is known as the ‘ world-market.’ Perhaps the definite refer- ences to the rates of royalty, remuneration and prices apply to the ideas generally prevalent rather than to those of any one mineralogical zone, e.g.t Rajputana, Deccan, &c. i. Gold* The lustre and brilliancy of gold are well-known to the Sukra authors. Gold,3 4 * according to them, is the best metal. Its appreciation as an ornament used in decorating the person of human beings is referred to. The making of ornaments with gold is a kala * Testing. There are two methods by which gold can be identified. The first me- thod consists in differentiating it from other metals.6 The test is given in the rule that “ gold of the same weight as other metals is small in volume. Others are bulky.” The density of gold being high, there will necessarily be great weight in small bulk. Thus, though the gold coin mohur and silver rupee have the same weight, the mohur is smaller in size than the rupee. The second method consists in differentiating pure gold from imitation gold or an alloy or some other metal. The test as described previously is conducted in the following way : “ If two pieces of a metal,8 one pure and the other sus- pected as alloy, be successively passed through the same hole, and threads of equal lengths be drawn out of them and weighed, and if the weights of both are equal, then the metal is unalloyed, otherwise not.” Thus, as Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray says, if the weight of, say, copper wire be 8, that of gold wire of the same length (drawn through the same hole and hence having the same width) would be 19. Or take copper and gold of the same weight, and 1 ]?0I. an account of mines and minerals in Modern India, see the Indian Empire in the Imperial Gazetteer of India Series. Descriptive and Economic Volumes (I and III). 1 Principal Burns in his monograph on Gold and Silver work in the Bombay Presidency (1904) has dealt with the subject a bit historically. Cf. also “ Paris Universal Exhibition, 1878 : Handbook to the Indian Court,” by Sir George Birdwood, pp. 59-61, second edition. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 173-175. 4 Sukra IV, iii, 179. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 177. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 178-179. draw two wires through the same hole; then if the length of gold wire be 8, that of the copper wire would be 19. Both these tests of Sukracharyya are thus dependent on the theory of Specific Gravity. The use of gold in art for decorative or utilitarian purposes necessarily introduces difficulties in the matter of testing the genuineness or otherwise of the material worked upon. The following are the rules for the guidance of people : (1) when one hundred palas of gold* 1 is taken and melted, it is pure if it still remains one hundred palas, and does not become less. (2) In articles of the best workmanship gold2 is lost by a two-hundredth part of itself, (while silver by a hundredth part) ; and if soldered by using good material, the weight is increased by a sixteenth part. Having examined the soldering and the workmanship, the increase or decrease should be determined. The Sukra statesmen are of course specially interested in the ability to distinguish the values of gems and metals and differentiate the genuine from counterfeit coins or imitation from pure metals. And the testing of the worth of gold was certainly a very common phenomenon in Sukra’s times, as it still is. For the examination of the genuineness of precious metals supplied an analogy with the examination of the character of officers and servants. Thus we read : “Just as gold3 is tested by experts by having reference to the lightness or heaviness of weight, colour, sound, etc., so also one should examine servants or officers by reference to their work, companion- ship, merits, habits, family relations, &c.’’ As Wealth and as Money. Several references in Sukraniti point to gold and silver, specially the former being the ‘measure’ or ‘standard’ of value. Its functions as the 4 medium of exchange ’ is also frequently indicated. Thus among the things to be studied by the king for four muhurtas4 before meals we find gold* men- tioned along with grains, clothes, jewels, &c. Gold is here to be taken either as a valuable commodity (Bullion) i.e., a form of ‘wealth’ hoarded in the treasury like grains in the granary, or as coins that have come into the treasury in the process of circulation as ‘ money ’ i.e., medium of exchange. The same may be said of the reference to gold in the rule that advises the king to appoint separate officers to look after elephants, horses, chariots, infantry, cattle, gold,0 jewels, silver, clothes, &c. It is not difficult to appreciate the importance of having separate officers for gold, jewels and silver. But per- haps there is to be only one officer for all these valuables, whether as bullion or as money, as distinguished from other officers appointed for horses, chariots, &c. 1 Sukra IV, v, 645. One pala is 8 tolas. One silver pala is therefore Rs. 8, 1 Sukra IV, v, 649-652. » Sukra II, 106-109. * 1 Muhurta=48 minutes. * Sukra I, 561-562. * Sukra II, 237-238. That there is to be one officer for these precious metals and stones is clearly indicated in the following lines which describe the qualification of the people in charge of the department: ‘‘ That man is to be in charge of jewels, gold, silver, and coins who can distinguish their values by their weight, shape, lustre, colour and resemblances.” The mudras1 * or coins may be taken separately as an independent item or as a compound with svarna and rajata, in which case the idea of gold and silver money or currency is unmistakably suggested. The use of gold in both the functions of money as the standard of value as well as the medium of exchange is also referred to in the following lines : (1) Houses* are meant for gold, jewels, silver, niskas3 4 * * 7 or coins etc , and other purposes on which expenditure is technically called bhogya. (2) “ Dravya* (lit. goods) is silver, gold, and copper coined for commercial purposes.” The term ‘ Dravya ’ may be taken to be the equivalent of what is technically called ‘ Money.’ (3) “ Silver, gold and other booty9 belong to him who wins them. The ruler should satisfy the troops by giving them those things with pleasure, according to the labour undergone. Uses oj Gold, Besides the mention of gold as ornaments, valuables and coins, we meet with its use for various other purposes. Thus among the ten requisites in the administration of justice® there is the mention of gold which is intended to be the material by which the witnesses are to swear oaths. There is here a religious significance pertaining to the noblest of all metals. Gold is also one of the metals used in the preparation of badges,1 sceptres, &c. The king should mark those who have been his employees by the proper insignia of office placed on steel, copper, bell-metal or bronze, silver, gold and jewels. Again, two men bearing gold sceptres8 are to be on one side to communicate the presence and salutation of persons to the king. Then there is the reference to its use in sculpture. Thus just as there are special stones0 appropriate to each Yuga to be used as materials for the images of gods, so we have the rule that Images are to be of gold, silver, copper, and bell-metal or bronze in the satya, treta, dwapara, and kali ages 1 Sukra II, 303-304. * Sukra II, 692-3. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 205. NiSka has a technical meaning. It is the value of gold weighing 4 mdjds, or 32 mtia. 4 Sukra II, 712-73. Of. Jayaswal in the Modern Review for November, 1913. s Sukra IV, vii, 749-750. ' Sukra IV, v, 72-73, 79. 7 Sukra II, 853-855. 9 Sukra I, 722. 3 Sukra IV, iv, 310-311, 314. respectively. The order of metals as given here is certainly according to its depreciation in value and people’s estimation. 7he State in relation to Gold,. Certain socio-economic and socio-political laws or regulations with regard to gold are to be noticed. First, without the permission of the king the follow- ing things are not to be done by subjects, e.g. gambling, use of arms, sales and purchases of gold,1 silver, jewels, poisons &c. Trade in precious metals and stones cannot thus be carried on without a license. Here is another instance of Sukracharyya’s advocacy of State Intervention in Industry. Socondly, as we noticed before, those who prepare ornaments of gold,2 jewels, &c., are men- tioned among the artists and artisans who should be maintained by the state. Thirdly, the rate of royalty upon gold3 mining is declared to be one- half of the produce after the expenses have been met. Fourthly, those who use others’ dress, ornaments and gold are guilty of offences called chhalas4 * against the moral sense or social etiquette of the community. Fifthly, those who deal in gold,6 grains, and liquids collectively will have earnings according to the amount of their share greater, equal or less. Here is a reference to the joint-stock system or collective organisation in connexion with commercial enterprises, and the rule applies to the dividend of share- holders. The same rule applies not only to commerce and trade as given here, but also to joint-stock industries and handicrafts. Thus “ the gold- smiths should get remuneration according to the labour undergone by each in cases where they combine® to perform a work of art.” Lastly, we have an idea of the rate of remuneration at which the artists are to be paid who work in gold, eg., for the manufacture of ornaments, seals, emblems, badges, images, sceptres’ coins, &c. Thus we are told that the goldsmith’s0 wages is to be one-thirtieth the value worked upon if workman- ship be excellent, one-sixtieth if mediocre, and half of that if of inferior order. Wages is to be half of that in the case of kataka (bracelet), and in the case of mere melting, half of that. And we have noticed previously the tests by which people are to be protected from metal-workers’ fraud.9 There is at least one reference to the character of goldsmiths. 'Thus it is said that “ goldsmiths10 are the fathers of thieves.” Of course, all metal-workers are meant. Exchange- Value. Last but not least in importance are the references in Sukraniti to the comparative values and “ prices ” of the metals, i.e, their values in terms of 1 Sukra I, C03-608. 6 Sukra IV, v, 614-G15. 2 Sukra II, 397-398. c Sukra IV, v, 603-604. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 233-235. 7 Sukra I, 722. 4 Sukra IV, v, 151-152. 8 Sukra IV, v, 653-655. 9 See the reference to the amounts of material that are lost or increased in workman- ship. IV, v, 645-652. 10 Sukra IV, iv, 88. “money/' and their “exchange-value" not only with regard to themselves, but also with regard to other commodities. The distinction between wealth (Dhana) and money (Dravya) is certainly known to the statesmen of the Sukra cycle. We have noticed above the recognition of the distinction between bullion and coin in Sukraniti. The 1 unit ’ of currency and monetary measurement as well as prices and other allied subjects will be discussed in the chapters on the Data of Ancient Indian Economics and Public Finance. It may be noticed here that both gold and silver seem to be mediums of exchange and “ legal tender” in Sukraniti. Prices are mentioned sometimes in terms of gold, often in terms of silver. “ Eight rail's make one mdsd, ten mdsas make one suvarnad Five times that suvarna make eighty silver karsakas." The Suvarna and Karsaka are gold and silver coins respect- ively, and one Suvarna is equivalent to sixteen Karsakas. The same ratio2 is also noted by Sukra in determining the comparative value of gold and silver as bullion or ingot. Thus “ the value of gold3 is sixteen times that of silver.” The face-value and metallic value of the gold coin were the same in the mediaeval Chola Empire (800--1200 A.D.) The statement in Sukraniti can be well illustrated by the following extract from Aiyangar’s Ancient India : “The unit of currency was the gold Kasu (28 grains Troy). This coin appears to have passed for its metallic value, because the great Rajaraja got all gifts to the temple carefully weighed and appraised. All gold ornaments among these are entered with their weights alone, but no value is given, while jewels set with brilliants, etc., are entered with their weights and their value in Kasu. We can safely infer that the Kasu passed for its weight in gold, although its value in grain and cattle might vary.’’ In 1883,/.1 Sukra IV, v, 614-615, royalty, however, is mentioned It is declared co be half of the net yiel i of precious metals, i.e„ after the expenses of extraction and production have been met. The realisation of Government revenue from rainas1 is important enough to be recognised as an item that should be studied by the Sumantra or Finance Minister. Besides the revenue accruing regularly from the akaras or mines, Sukracharayya’s system of Public Finance recognises Ajndtaswdmika* income. It is that wealth whose owners are unknown. Gems and jewels (Nidht) picked up in streets escheat to the state and constitute this class of income. Among property laws it is mentioned that the father is the lord of all gems9 etc., but neither the father nor the grand-father has authority over all immov- ables. This is a regulation about all precious movables. We have thus far noted the parallelism between gems and noble metals as valuable commodities. The fraud that may be committed with regard to them, e g., by the passing off of imitation jewels as genuine ones has also to be noticed It is mainly to guard the treasurer, the minister of Public Finance and the king as well as the people that the Sukra statesmen have introduced the topics of Economic Mineralogy in their Nitisastra. If it is the ornament of jewels to have splendour,4 and if it be a general custom to present jewels and orna- ments5 to females at marriage, it is necessary that people should have the eye to find out what is the proper splendour of a jewel. Besides, there are natural defects6 in gems. It is known also that people of the island of Ceylon can make artificial7 pearls, The making of artificial gems9 is in fact known to be a ltald. Like the testing of gold and other metals, therefore, testing of gems as to whether they are good or bad, as possessing marks or holes, has been recognised as a kald. The advice to rich people and kings necessarily is : “The wise man should determine their value by carefully examining9 them.’’ “ l'he king should keep the jewels after having them tested by experts as well as by himself.” The following general rule may help people in testing the worth of pre- cious stones : “ Those who are experts in the study of gems describe that gem as the best which has no pores,10 has good colour, is without scratches and spots, has good angles and bright lustre.” The general information about colour and shape is being made more . clear in the following lines: 11 (i) “Gems («) may have the colour of sarkara (powdered bricks) or leaves of trees, and (b) may be flat or round in shape; (2) “The colour and lustre of gems may be white, red, yellow and black.’’ There are two technical terms1* here used in connexion with the splen- dour of precious stones, viz., Chhaya and Prabha. The terms have been defined 1 Sukra II, 211-212. 2 Sukra II, 656-C57. s Sukra IV, v, 577-578. 4 Sukra II, 463-479. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 171. ’ Sukra IV, iii, 178. 8 Sukra IV, iv, 21-22. 9 Sukra IV, ii, 171-172, 79-80. 10 Sukra IV, ii, 97-98. 11 Sukra IV, ii, 99-100. by Sukra thus : (i) “The Chhdya is that which attacks,1 2 overpowers, and eclip- ses the colour (of other substances).” (2) The Prabha3 is that which reveals the colour (of other substances). Prof. Ray in Ratnapariksa explains the remarks of Sukra in the following way : The light of a lamp does two things simultaneously: (1) It removes the darkness and makes other objects visible, i.e , makes it possible for them to display their colour and attributes. (2) It prevents like objects, e.g., white paper or milk, from displaying their proper colour and attributes. The first function of the lamp is due to its lustre or prabhd, the second is due to its chhaya. The light issuing from a lamp or a jewel may thus be divided into two branches—(1) reflected, which makes other things visible, (2) transmitted which eclipses other objects. As for the value of precious stones, Sukra statesmen know that it depends on both Demand and Supply. Omitting from one’s consideration the factors that go to make “Demand-Schedule,” as it is called by Professor Marshall, we may note the following conditions on the Supply side. These conditions3 give in fact additional tests by which the splendour, lustre, and beauty of jewels are to be determined, and the considerations which weigh much in people’s estima- tion : — (1) Other things remaining the same, the “ exchange-value ” of a gem depends on its weight, lustre, colour, extent, receptacle and shape. (2) Other things remaining the same, the ‘ exchange-value ’ increases if there be great bulk with small weight, and decreases if there be small bulk with great weight. (3) Other things remaining the same, ‘exchange value ’ is smallest if the lustre be that of sarkara (reddish powder of bricks); is middling if the shape be flat; and greatest if the lustre be that of green leaves. (4) Other things remaining the same, round jewels are not much appre- ciated and their ‘ exchange-value ’ depends on the “ Demand-Schedule. ” The following information about gems recorded by the authors of the Sukra cycle is useful: (1) The gem on the head of the snake4 is the best of all, of great splen- dour, but very rare. Tne tradition is old enough. The real explanation of gems lying in the heads of snakes is that these creatures carry bright stones in their “mouths when they have to move in the dark. These they pick up from stocks and stones in hills and mines and forests. When they get their prey, they throw these jewels away from their mouths for a time, and carry them again as lamps to point out their way, when they have finished their work at the spot. 1 This is the explanation of Prof. Yoges Ch. Ray. The reader is requested to note the difference from my translation of the hemistich on p. 141 of the Sacred Books of the Hindus Series XIII. 2 P. 24, Edition of 1904. s Sukra IV, ii, 107-114. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 96, 14 (а) Except pearls and corals the gems cannot be cut or written upon1 by iron and stones (diamonds). This is said by those who are experts in gems. (3) The value of gems is measured by weight.2 (4) One should receive knowledge, mantta, medicine, wife and gems3 4 5 even from low families. This general rule of morality may be compared to Chfinakya’s* adage that one should take gold from even the impure (persons or places), the jewel of a wife from even low families, and good (useful) know- ledge from even the lowborn. It is implied that medicines, gems, &c., were in Sukra’s days, as in ancient Hindu times generally, dealt in by the low class men. Here is the sanction that these things may be accepted from persons, who, otherwise beyond the pale of high society, are, however, experts in their subjects. (5) The gem that has its appropriate colour and lustre and is devoid of any defects is beneficial to beauty,6 growth, fame, valour and life. Others are known to be injurious. This notion about the efficacy of precious stones obtains with regard to noble metals also, and has had its sway since time immemorial, both in the Eastern and Western worlds. The story of the Talisman is well-known, and we have already quoted extracts from Vedic literature bearing on this point. (б) The above general idea has been crystallised by Sukra sociologists into a definite maxim of sound health. Thus we are told (a) that one should always use medicinal substances in jewels6 consecrated by charms or mantras. (b) One should never wear gems that have black or red spots.7 (7) Gems found in the Gandaka9 river are natural images, and need not be given to the sculptor to try his skill upon. And we are told that, whereas in the case of images constructed by artists one should thoroughly examine their parts and proportions according to the canons of St/pasdsftas, these and other natural stones should not be examined at all. (8) Gems never lose their natural attributes. These cannot deteriorate. But pearls and corals can. It is only the wickedness of kings8 that leads to fluctuation in their exchange-values. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 109-110. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 129, Gomeda is the exception. It is not to be weighed, being very insig- nificant. The standard of measurements of precious stones is given in Sukra IV, ii, 190-133. s Sukra III, 193-194. 4 Amedhyadapi KSnchanam, Nichadapyuttama vidya Stri ratnam duskuladapi. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 101-103. " Sukra III, 8-9. 5 Sukra IV, iv,i 307-308. Such other natural images are Vanalingas, Chandrakaulas, 9 Sukra IV, ii, 115-116, 9 Sukra IV, ii, 156, Section 10. 7he Doctrine of Nine Gems. Nine is a mystic number like seven. In Indian thought we have the tradition of nine planets, nine gems, nine nights (called navaratrameaning thereby the sacrificial rite that is finished in nine days or nights), nine rasas (or feelings and emotions, e.g., amorous, ludicrous, pathetic, vehement, heroic, terrific, loathsome, absurd, and peaceful, according to Hindu canons of literary art), the nine laksanas (or marks of Brahma) according to Vedanta Paribhasa, the nine Saktis (or energies), the nine castes (of the Sudra order, according to Parasara Samhita), the nine doors (e.g., two eyes, mouth, etc., of the human organism), the nine islands of the Ganges (which, according to the Vaisnava poet, Narahari Dasa, formed the site of what in later times has been Navadvipa or Nadia, the land of Chaitanya), also the nine tests of Kulinism propounded by king Ballala Sen of Bengal (12th cent.). The doctrine of nine gems, like that of the seven metals, has an interesting history. Indian tradition has taken the nine gems both literally and metaphorically. In this latter aspect we have it when we refer to the strong popular notion about the “ Navaratna ” a of the court of Vikramaditya. The legends of Vikramaditya cycle, like those connected with Alexander, Arthur and Charlemagne in European literature, refer to things that are half-historical, half-mythical. The hero himself, round whom the romances have grown, has not yet been indentified. Some of the incidents connected with Vikramadityan tradition have in these days been ascribed to Samudra- gupta, the Indian Napoleon, in whose conquest of the four quarters of India, scholars have seen the historic counterpart of the Kalidasic hero Raghu’s Digvijaya. We know the age of Samudragupta (4th cent. A.D.), or for the matter of that, of the Vikramaditya of legendary fame, to be one of the most glorious epochs of Hindu culture, one of the Augustan ages of Indian literature. There can be no objection, therefore, to regarding this Gupta monarch as the patron of several groups of nine celebrated intellectual giants, 1 See the word Navaratna in the Bengali ViHwakosa (Encyclopaedia Indica) edited by Mr. Nagendranatli Vasu, Yol. IX, pp. 653-657 (First Edition, 1898). This Volume gives several words beginning with nava or nine, which are important as testifying to the tradition. The word Navanavdka occurs in Daksa Samhita (III; 3) as a mnemonic for nine groups or classes of householder’s duties, each consisting of nine functions. Thus we have nine amritas or sweet functions, nine gifts, nine duties, nine forbidden things, nine secret activities, nine successful functions, nine failures, nine public activities, and nine things (not to be given away). 1 These are Dhanvantari (the physician), Ksapanaka (the philologist), Amarasimha (the lexicographer), Sanku (the elocutionist),Vetalabhatta (the necromancer), Ghatakarpara (the Politician), Kalidasa (the poet), Varahatnihira (the astronomer), and Vararuchi (the grammarian of Prakrit languages). The couplet containing the names of the nine luminaries of Vikramaditya’s court is found in the last chapter of Jijotirviddbharana by the astrologer, named Kalidasa (13th century). Who are figuratively known as the Navatalna.1 But Indian chronology cannot as yet bear out the tradition that the great luminaries included in the term Navaratna ever shone in the intellectual firmament of India at one and the same time. lo take only two instances. If the Gupta monarchs were the patrons of Kalidasa,2 he must be placed between the 4th and 5th century. But Varahamihii a, the astronomer, is now known to have flourished in the sixth century. Under these circumstances, the easiest explanation would of course be to ascribe the origin of the tradition to the desire of the people for a convenient mnemonic grouping together the greatest makers of national literature, art, and science through the ages, long after the great masters had played their part on the world’s stage. The traditions of the seven wise men of Greece and the seven Magi of Persia afford instances of such convenient groupings of men who have lived, if they were really men of flesh and blood, ages apart from each other. It is posterity that arranges, classifies, and systematises the exploits of the predecessors. Human memory in reconstructing the history of past generations through the dim vistas of folklores, traditions, myths and fables obliterates3 the sharp edges of temporal and local differences ; and the result is a well-rounded ‘ system,’a cleverly assorted ‘ Noah’s ark,’ a sweet company of ‘strange bed-fellows’ and a glib enumeration of facts and ‘things that never were on sea or land.’ Such latter-day recounting and reconstruction of the deeds of the founders of a people’s greatness as are improvised for the purpose of helping the national memory and aid in the promotion of race-consciousness are not, however, without deep historical and sociological significance. For these traditions are, at any rate, replete with the associations of the epochs in which they were made and must bear the impress of the general features of the culture of the day. Thus the metaphorical use of the doctrine of nine gems in Indian tradi- tional thought must be ascribed to an epoch which has long been used to the idea of nine gems literally speaking. The philosophy and history of the metaphorical use must follow the philosophy and history of the tradition regarding the actual stones of the mother-earth. The enumeration and classification of precious stones, however, have not been uniform in Indian mineralogical literature. The tradition recorded in 1 See the discussion in Prof. Wilson's Vi.ytu Purd ui (1864) Vol. I. Preface pages vii—ix. ’ Pandit Ramavatara Sarnia Sahityacharyya, M. A., Prefessor of Patna College, Bankipur, and Dr. Bloch have proved that the author of Rcujhuvamsam and Kumarasambliu- vam flourished during the reign of Chandragupf a II and KumSragupta . For an account of covert references to the Gupta Emperors, see the late Mr. Harinath Dey’s English Intro- duction to the Bengali work on Kalidasa by Pandit Rajendranatli Vidyabhushan (1008). 3 According to tradition Ksapanakaand Amarasimha were probably Jainas, Kalidasa belonged to the agricultural caste and Ghatakarpara was a potter, and so on. ( 100 ) Sukraniti about (i) the nine maharatnas or great jewels (2) their grouping in order of merit into four classes, eg., (a) Sresthatara or par excellence, (b) Srestha or high class, (c) Madhyama or middling and (d) Nicha or inferior, and (3) the astral or mystical connexion of each with one of the nine deities presid- ing over, or apotheosised out of, the nine planets, is only one phase in the history of Hindu ideas about precious stones and jewels. It may be possible to fix the age of certain passages of the Nitisastra of the philosophers of the Sukra cycle by tracing the history of this doctrine of nine gems. From the close connexion of the nine gems with the nine planets it may be presumed at the outset that the origin of the tradition is to be traced to the idea of navagralia in the history of Hindu Astronomy. In the following account, therefore, we have to take note of two things : (1) Changes in the ideas about the enumeration, classification, &c., of precious gems: (fl) as navaratna, and (b) as nava malidratna. (2) History of the navagraha or nine planets : (a) as members of the celestial system and (b) as influencing things mundane, specially as presiding over the gems. (a) V(die Literature. In our account of the history of Indian literature on gems we have alluded to the reference in the Vedas. But information is mostly indefinite and vague. It is only the pearls that have been distinctly mentioned, and an account of their origin given. And though jewels, like metals, are used with charms and incantations against the malevolent influences in enemies and demons, we do not meet with any trace of the connexion that exists between gems and the deities, whether powers of nature or planets and stars of the sky. But Vedic literature is important in the history of Indian mineralogy from at least one point. We have seen that in the Vedas the generic word for metals is not dhdtu, but ayas, or loha. So also the gems and jewels, whether meaning thereby pearls or diamonds, are generally referred to not as ratnas, but as want's, though the word ratna does occur in the Rig Veda. (b) Ayurvedic Literature. This word mani for gems holds the ground for long. In Ayurvedic literature we find Charaka and Susruta using this term. In the introductory chapter of his work Charaka mentions manis among the drugs pertaining to the earth. We have noticed above that no gem1 2 has been enumerated by name 1 Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray in bis learned work in Bengali on the Astronomy and Astronomers of the Hindus testifies to the belief of the people in Vedic times in the influences of stars and planets on human life, “ The propitiation of the nauagmha or nine planets has been sanctioned in the Parisista of Sama Veda.” ACleast about 1000 B.C. the fact that the movements of the stars governed the fate of men on earth was understood and explained. (See p. 45—Edition 1913). But no definite connexion of stars wi h jewels or metals is suggested. in the Charaha Samhita. So this work also, likeVedic literature, does not throw much light on the doctrine of nine gems. The information supplied by Susruta is a little more definite. He also uses the term mani and not ralna, and in the chapter on Food and Drinks in the Sutrasthana section of the Samhita, gives the medicinal properties of six gems1 2 only. These are mukta (pearls), vidruma (coral), vajra (diamond), indra (sapphire), vaiduryya (chrysoberyl) and sphatika (crystal). The word ralna must have been always familiar in literary circles, Vedic and post-Vedic. Long before the days of Kalidasa, who uses the word frequently, Vatahamihira, who refers to many previous Ratnasastras, and Amarsimha, the lexicographer, who arc generally supposed to have flourished between the 4th and 6th century A.D., the gems and precious stones have been referred to by convertible terms, mani and ratna. It would thus appear that the word ratna as a technical term used in scientific treatises has had a longer history than dhdta which, however, as a name of metals, is old enough. The term loha has held the ground for a longer period — even in works like Ilasaratna-samuchchaya of the 14th century. But the term mani has allowed its rival ratna1 to flourish parallel to itself and gra- dually supersede it ever since the times of Buddha, the Epics and earlier Puranas. (c) Vardhamihira. Besides Susruta, the only impoi tant work that supplies positive informa- tion on the enumeration and classification of ratnas or mams during the classical period3 is that scientific work of the sixth century, the Bri/iat Samhitd of Varahamihira. Phis astronomer like, his predecessors of 1000-1500 years ago, fully believes in the mundane influences of the planets and their movements and begins his work with the following words fathered upon the sage Garga : “ That prince meets with ruin who does not support a Jyotisaka well-versed in all the divisions and sub-divisions of Samhita, and in Horoscopy and Astro- nomy. * * * If there were no Jyotisakas, the muhurtas, the tithis, the naksatras * * would go wrong. * * ® He who loves prosperity ought 1 Susruta Samhita Edited by Kavirajas Devendra Nath Sen and Upendra Nath Sen (1900) pp. 221-222. Susruta knows of other menus as the compound ending in ddi or “ etc” implies; but perhaps does not mention them as they are not much used in medicine. Thus, as Dr. Dutt says in the Materia Medica of the Hindus of the precious stones, diamond, pearl, and coral only are much used in medicine. The rest are rarely used or not used at all,” p. 92, (Edition of 1900). 2 Messrs. Macdonell and Keith consider the word to denote any precious object in Rigveda, not necessarily a jewel, as later. Vedic Index II, 199. The older word ma n seems to be more generic, ralna is the word for more precious substances. The word mani may be taken more widely, in which sense it would include metals on the one hand, and gems on the other. 8 There has been very little critical study in the literature of this period, and very few materials of a historical or sociological character are at present available. not to live in a country devoid of a Jyotisaka. The Jyotisaka1 2 forms as it were the eye of the land.” Varaha then describes the seven planets and the Rahu, but does not mention the Ketu, the ninth planet. In treating of the influences of the planets Varaha does not notice the connexion that may possibly exist between the grahas and the ratnas. When, however, towards the close of his work, he notices the gems enu- merating them and describing their characteristics, he does this not because these have any natural relationship with the gems of the firmament, but because, like these celestial orbs, and so many other things in the universe, viz., trees, animals, earthquakes, clouds, &c., they independently govern the destiny of man- kind. According to Varahamihira, whatever directly or indirectly affects human welfare are important items and cannot be neglected in that aspect of Jyotisa Sastra which is being dealt with in Brihat Samhita- The planets have been discussed because they influence man’s destiny. So also the meteorological, agricultural and other phenomena have commanded his attention. The same reasons demand of him space for the jewels and precious stones. Varaha has nothing to do with the propitiation of the planets and does not care to stud)' the gemsa in their special relations to the planets. Varaha has mentioned 22 gems, but describes only four in detail:— (1) Diamond, (2) Pearls, (3) Rubies, (4) Emeralds. And he treats of the influences of these as affecting social welfare. The object of Varaha in introducing the subject of gems3 in the astronomi- cal work is set forth by him at the outset: “ A good gem brings prosperity to the king and a bad one brings misery. It is therefore necessary to examine the properties of gems with the help of persons learned in the science ; for a person’s fortune depends upon the gems he possesses. Elephants, horses and women possessed of excellent virtues are also known as gems ; but diamonds and the like gems which are to be treated of in this chapter are stones and the like, possessed of many excellent qualities.” The treatment of gems in Brihat Samhita is thus quite independent of all astronomical ideas explained by the author in his last two works, Pancha- siddhdntikci and Brihajjdtaka, as well as in certain portions of this work also. The author mentions the special characteristics of such pieces of diamonds and 1 Varaha goes on : “ Even the Mlechchhas and Yavanas who have well-studied the science are respected as Risis,” pp. 10-11, Translation of Mr. Chidambram Iyer, B. A., Founder of Tiravadi Jotistantra Sabha (Madura, 1884). 2 See Iyer’s Brihat Samhita XXXIII—XXXVI (pp. 164-174). 3 In a sense Briluit Samhita is a socio-economic treatise dealing with the manner in which the lithosphere, hydrosphere and atmosphere of the globe affect human condi- tions, rather than an astronomical, geographical or botanical work. It is thus to a certain extent allied to Arthusastra, and closely resembles Yuhti-lcalpataru which is perhaps based upon it. pearls as are sacred to Indra, Yama, Visnu, Varunaand Agni, but refers to no species as the favourites of the sun or moon, etc. The great astronomical landmark of the 6th century, therefore, does not throw any light on any one of the several problems connected with the Doctrine of Nine Gems. We know only that the term ratna is established and that the planets influence human beings. And this is almost where Vedic literature left us. (d) The Puranas. The evidence of Amarakosa, the lexicon, is not much useful. Agnipurana (of the 8th century?) mentions many gems, but describes only eight: vajra, mara- kata, padmaraga or manikya (oriental ruby), uruvinda (corundum), saugan- dhika (spinel), rnukta, indrantla, and vaidurrya. This list differs from that in Sukra by taking corundum and spinel, but rejecting coral, agate, topaz. Twelve gems are enumerated in the Garudapurana (9th cent.?). Nine gems are mentioned as principal in the two works that follow : (1) Agastyamatam (10th century?) and (2) Visnudharmottarapurana (10th cent.?). Each of these treatises enumerates more than nine gems, but the first is important as having for the first time referred to the use of nine gems1 for the propitiation of the nine planets, and the second as having enumerated the same gems as maharatnas that are mentioned by Sukra. These two works thus supply two important factors contributing to the growth of the doctrine of nine gems, that is to be found in Sukraniti, viz., (1) the idea that nine gems are sacred to nine grahas, and (2) the classification or appreciation of the same gems as nine ‘,great jewels,’ (e) Sripati, the astronomer. The idea of navagraha must therefore be traced to some astronomical2 3 treatise between Brihat Samhita and Agastyamatam. That work is the Jyofisa- ratnamala of Sripati, who flourished between the ages of the famous astrono- mers Brahmagupta (7th cent.), and Bhaskaracharyya (nth and 12th cent.). In this treatise there is the mention of nine gems to be used in propitiating the nine planets. But Sripati’s other work, Jatakapaddhati, which also deals with the influences of planets on human beings mentions only seven planets.* In Sripati, therefore, we find both the old and the new ideas about the number and influ- ences of planets. This self-contradiction and inconsistency are to be explained by the fact that in his time the prevalent notion about nine planets and the 1 It gives the tests of only five gems. See the Text edited by Dr. RSmdasa Sen. The order of consecration of gems to planets followed in this work is the same as in Sukraniti, though the interpretation of the maharatna varies. ’ See the Bengali work, Astronomy and Astronomers of the Hindus, by Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray, pp. 78-10 1 (Edition, 1903). 3 See Sripatipaddhati, slokas 9, chapter ITT (Edition of Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1903), p. 8. “ Mars, the Moon and Saturn have strength by night. Jupiter, the Sun, and Venus have potency by day. Mercury is strong at all times. ” utility of worshipping them especially by putting on gems was too powerful to be resisted. He had to incorporate in his second work what he had rejected as unscientific in his first. Sripati’s date1 * has not been fixed beyond doubt. He may be taken to have flourished about the ioth century, in fact, to have been almost a contem- porary of the authors of Agastyamatam and Visnudharmottarapurana. These two works as well as Jyotisaratnamala were produced in an atmosphere of the same ideas regarding gems, planets and the allied topics. Sripati's work is important from another standpoint also. The Jyotsia- ratnamala supplies the full astronomical text of the Doctrine of Navaratna that has been utilised in toto for the mineralogical section of the Nitisastra of Sukracharyya. The same nine gems (but not called Maharatnas) and the same system of consecration of each to the planets, the same system of nomencla- ture are to be found in both.3 Thus, according to Sripati, people should put on the ruby for the sun, pearl for the moon, coral for Mars, emerald for Mercury, topaz for Jupiter, diamond for Venus, sapphire for Saturn, gomeda for Rahu, and vaiduryya for Ketu. This corresponds exactly to what Sukra- charyya says in lines 84-92 of section ii of Chapter IV. The same system of consecration’is followed in the astronomical work, Jataka-Parijata, which devotes the whole second chapter to a discussion of the nature and properties of planets. It may be remarked here that the colour and lustre attributed to the nine planetary deities in the hymns called Navagrahadhydna fit in exactly with those described in Sukraniti as pertaining to the gems. Again, the images of Navagraha found at Konaraka and near Bhuvaneswara in Orissa are said to belong to temples not earlier than the ioth century.3 This is Dr. Rdjendralal Mitra’s testimony in the Antiquities of Orissa. The hymns, the images, the temples, the astrological calculations as well as the evidences of Ratnasdstras— all point to the Doctrine of Navaratna not being older than the ioth century. (f) Subsequent Literature. Of the subsequent literature on the subject, Yukti-kalpataru is an important landmark. But though it is based on Garnda, Agastya and Visnudharmottara, and though it gives details relating to enumeration, characteristics and prices of the gems, it does not supply valuable information regarding the doctrine of nine gems, as it does not treat of their astral connexions at all. So also most of the works of the 12th and 14th centuries are not important for our purposes. But Rasaratna-samuchchaya of the 13th- 14th century, 1 For a discussion of dates, see Prof. Ray’s Astronomy of the Hindus. * But Sripati does not use the word mahdratna. Visnudharmottara uses the word mahdratna, but his nine maharatnas are not the same as those of Sukra. If Sripati had taken the word mahdratna from Vishnu dh, his work would have been the original proto- type of Sukraniti. As it is, it is the earliest authority for the verse in Rasaratna-samuch- haya about Navaratna. 3 See the chapter on Graha in Prof. Ray’s Astronomy of the. Hindus. 15 which is a very important document in the literature on metals, mentions in Chapter IV, 5, that Manikya, mukta, vidruma (tarksya, i.e., emerald), puspa, vidura (diamond), nila (sapphire), gomeda and viduraka are successively the ratnas of the nine planets. With the exception of the new terms used in this verse, Rasaratna-samuchchaya1 follows exactly the system in Sukraniti. This work mentions other gems as well, but regards these nine as the navaratna par excellence. The only point in which this differs from Sukraniti is that it does not apply the term maharatna to these nine gems. The work thus fully agrees with Sripati’s Jyotisa-Ratnamald (ioth-nth cent.). We now come down to Bhavaprakasa of the 16th century. This work, like the one just described, continues the full tradition originating in the astro- logical, religious and socio-economic literature of the 9th and 10th centuries. The Rdjanighantu2 of the 17th century also mentions the same nine gems as sacred to the same planets. But the classification of navaratnas or nine gems into grades adopted in these two works differs from that in Sukraniti. Sukracharyya calls all the nine gems by the name of maharatnas. But Bhavaprakasa3 and the Rajani- ghantu mention five of them only as maharatnas and call the rest uparalnas (inferior gems). (g) Recapitulation. The historical inquiry into the doctrine of nine gems leads to the following conclusions about the age of the section in Sukraniti dealing with gems : 1. The Sukra authors do not display astrological conceptions prior to or even contemporaneous with, those of Varahamihira (6th cent. A.D.). 2. The doctrine embodied in Sukraniti bears the influence of the follow- ing ideas: (i) The enumeration and appreciation of gems as nine mahdralnas4 adopted by the author of Visnudharmottarapurana (10th cent. ?) who quotes Garuda. (ii) The system of consecration of the nine gems (not necessarily maharatnas) to the nine planets followed in Agastyamatam (which is probably earlier than Visnudharmottara, but belongs to the same age); as well as in Rasaratna-samuchchaya. 1 See Sanskrit Text of the work edited and published by the Anandasram, Poona, pages 10-12. 2 See the Hindi Edition (Benares), p. 140. » See Viswako§a (Vasu’s) Vol. IX, (navaratna). 4 Nine gems are mentioned in (1) Agastya, (2) Visnudharmottara, (3) Jyotisaratna- mala, (4) Sukraniti, (5) Rasaratna-samuchchaya, (6) Bhavaprakasa, (7) Rajanighantu. Nine maharatnas are mentioned only in (1) Visnudharmottara and (2) Sukraniti; but the list is not the same in the two works. See the original text of Visnudharmottara quoted in Dr. Sen’s Rutnaraha§ya. (iii) The recognition of R&hu and Ketu as the two additional Grahas who should be worshipped along with the old seven, first noticed in the second work of the astrologer, Sripati, which, however, he had ignored in his earlier work. 3. The doctrine is certainly older than the tradition embodied in Bhavaprakasa and Rajanighantu (16th and 17th cent.). 4. The doctrine in all particulars cannot be traced to any work on the subject, and has not been copied in toto in any work that we know of. Sukraniti is suigeneris in this respect. The date of the second work of Sripati, vis., Jyotisara/namald may thus be assigned to be the extreme upward limit of the Doctrine of Navaratna, as it contains the first literary evidence of Navagraha. This must be placed sometime in the 10th century A.D. The mineralogical section of Sukraniti thus yields two furthest limits of chronology: (ij the 10th century—furnished by the doctrine of nine gems, and (2) the 14th century—furnished by the doctrine of seven metals. There is one difficulty that remains to be explained, If the doctrine of nine planets be the basis of the doctrine of nine gems, we might expect also a doctrine of nine metals. But, though Sukraniti mentions altogether nine metals, it recognises only seven as principal. Or, if the doctrine of seven metals has something to do with the original seven planets, we might expect a corresponding Doctrine of Seven Gems as well. But in India the metals seem to have had no connexion with planets even up to 14th century, as has been discussed in the section on the doctrine of seven metals. Section ir. 7he Economic Mineralogy of Sukrdchdryya's India. The Maharatnas. Sukracharyya divides the nine great gems into the following four classes in order of merit (1) Vajra, being Sresthatara, by far the best; (2) Good or Sresiha : (i) Marakata, (ii) Manikya, (iii) Mukta ; (3) Middling or Madhyama : (i) Indranila, (ii) Pusyaraga, (iii) Vaiduryya; (4) Inferior or Nlcha : (i) Gomeda, (ii) Vidruma or Pravala. i. Vajra or Diamond. This gem is the favourite of the poet, viz., Sukra1 who is the preceptor of the Asuras and the author of our Ntfisastra. It is very transparent and has the lustre of the star. This is the best gem.® The popular notion about it is that the woman who wants a son should never wear a diamond. This is perhaps one of the haid ? Sukra IV, 105, substances which are to be used in cutting1 or writing upon gems. But it is to be noted that only pearls and corals can be thus incised. The value of this gem in terms of “ money ” is given below :— (1) “ The price2 of one whole diamond weighing one rati, but wide in extent, is five suvarnas or gold coins. (2) “ The price is five times (ie., twenty-five gold coins), if it be heavier than one rati and superior in extent. (S) “ The price is to be less and less according as the quality falls off.” This is according to the general theory that small weight but large bulk are the conditions of the high worth of jewels. The value may be expressed in terms of rali in the following way: “Eight ratis3 make one masa, ten milsas make one suvarnaThus 8o ratis make i gold coin : therefore 400 ralis make 5 gold coins. The ratio of diamond to gold, as expressed in the above extracts, would therefore be 1 to 400 ; or “ exchange-value” of diamond is 400 times that of gold. This general ratio is to be modified by the following considerations : (1) Other things remaining the same, the exchange-value4 5 is (a) one- third less than the above (which determines the ‘ normal ’ or ‘ natural ’ value), if the stone be flat-shaped, (b) one-half, if the stone has the colour of the reddish powder of bricks. [In the general remarks on the value of gems we noticed that this colour is not appreciated.] (2) Other things remaining the same, the ‘exchange-value’ (a) would be half, if two pieces together9 weigh one rati ; (b) half of this (*>., one-fourth of the ‘ normal ’), if the stones be middling or inferior. (3) Other things remaining the same, the exchange-value of inferior or middling qualities would be determined in the following manner:6 * (a) By multiplying the weight in ratis by nine-sixteenth. (b) By adding together five- sixteenths and one-thirtieth. The general rule about the determination of the ‘money-value,’ i.e., price and ‘ exchange-value ’ of diamond is given in the following lines : (1) The value of diamond is according to its weight in terms of rati.' (2) Even in the case of small pieces, the weight8 has to be considered, not number (as with other gems). 1 Sukra IV, ii, 109-110, “ The gems cannot be cut or written upon by iron or stones (diamonds) except pearls and corals.” See p. 142 of my translation of Sukraniti in the Sacred Books of the Hindus Series. ’ Sukra IV, ii, 134-137 3 Sukra IV, ii, 138. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 140-142. 5 Sukra IV, ii, 143-144. • Sukra IV, ii, 146-148. Specialists would do well to verify the truth and propriety of these remarks. The comparative prices given here would be discussed in the chapters on the Data of Ancient Indian Economics and Public Finance, ’ Sukra IV, ii, 140-142. “ la India diamonds occur over three wide areas : (1) the eastern side of the Deccan from the Penner to the Sone, (2) the Madras Presidency, especially in Kistna and Godavari basins, and (3) Chutia Nagpore and Central Provinces to Bundelkhand. It is somewhat remarkable that the Indian diamonds have not as yet been found in what can be called their original matrix. * * * None of the Indian diamond fields can, at the present day, be viewed as of commercial importance, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to identify for certain, all the localities alluded to by classical writers. * * * India was the first and for a long period the only source of diamonds known to the European nations. * * * It appears to have been worn by the nobility of India long anterior to the earliest European mention of it. * * * Tavernier was perhaps the first European who travelled over India with the express purpose of inspecting diamond mines.” The legend of the origin of Kohinur2 is that it was found in the mines of the south of India, and was worn by one of the heroes of the Mahabharata, Karna, king of Anga; this would place it about 5000 years ago, or 3001 B. C. Nothing more of it is heard till it appears as the property of Yikramfiditya, &c. it. Mukta or Pearls This is the favourite of the moon,1 2 3 v?., presided over by this planetary deity, and may have red, yellow, white and syama (swarthy or greenish blue) colour. This gem is lower in value than diamond, but superior to the lowest, viz.y gomeda and vidruma, as well as to indran\la, pusyaraga and vaiduryya, which are middling stones. One characteristic of this jewel is that it can be written upon (like corals) by iron or stones.4 * 6 In the section on general remarks we noticed that gems cannot deteriorate in value except through the wickedness of kings. But pearls and corals are to be exempted from this generalisation, for they do fade through use” in time. The deterioration comes in naturally. The following are the sources® of pearls recorded in Sukranlti: (i) fishes, (2) snakes, (3) conches, (4) boars, (5) bamboos, (6) clouds, (7) oyster-shells. The greatest amount is said to come from these last. This last class of pearls is divided into three grades:7 * (t) inferior, (2) middling and (3) excellent. It is only these pearls, again i.e., those derived from shells as mothers that can be pierced9 and hence used in ornaments. Those coming from others cannot. 1 Dictionary of Economic Products of India, pp. 93-101, Vol. Ill (1890). 2 See Note on the History of the Kohinur Diamond in Handbook of the Manufactures and Arts of the Punjab. By Baden Powell (1872), pp. 195-201. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 85. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 109-110. ‘ Sukra IV, ii, 106. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 117-118. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 122. R Sukra IV, ii, 123. See account of pearl-boriug iu Baden Powell’s Punjab Manu- factures, p. 192 (1872). And the people of Ceylon 1 2 can make artificial pearls like those from shells. One should therefore carefully examine pearls before purchasing them. The test3 is given below : “That certainly is not artificial which does not lose colour by being rubbed with vrihi paddy after having been soaked in hot saline water during the night. If it remains very bright it is really derived from shells. If it has middling lustre, it is otherwise.” The Ganufapurdna3 5 and Yukti-kalpalaru* also describe the industry of the Ceylonese in artificial Pearl-manufacture. BrihatSamhita, Garudapurana and Yukti-kalpataru mention Ceylon, Paralaukika, Saurastra (Guzrat), Tamraparni (Malabar), Persia, Ivouvera, Pandyavataka, and Haimadesa as the eight regions where oyster-pearls are found. According to Agastyamatam the places are Ceylon, Arabia, Persia, and Barbara (North Africa). The following list of pearls is given in order of excellence,® the first being the best:— (a) As regards layers or skins : (1) Those with seven skins or coverings. (2) Those with five or four skins. (3) Those with three or two skins. (b) As regards colour : (?) (1) Red. (2) Yellow. (3) White. (4) Black. The following is the order of age,6 7 the first being the oldest: (?) (1) Yellow. (2) Red. (3) White. (4) Black. Both these lists apply only to the pearls derived from oyster-shells. In connexion with the value of pearls the following things are to be noted : (1) The rati for the measurement1 of pearls is not the same as that for diamond and other stones. For all gems twenty Ksumas make one rati; but for pearls three ratis are made by four Krisnalas; and twenty-four ratis make one Ralnatanka. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 124-125. 2 Sukra IV, ii, 126-128. Specialists may verify it. 3 Quoted by Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray in Rutnaparilcsa. * Quoted by Dr. Ramadasa Sen in Ratnarahasya. 5 Sukra IV, ii, 119-120. The correctness of the order may be tested by specialists. 0 Sukra IV, ii, 121. Now as 4 tankas 1 make i tola of gold, 96 rail's (Pearl-standard) make 1 tola of gold. (2) The exchange-value of pearls varies according as the substance is of inferior, middling, and superior grades.2 (3) The standard is either diamond3 or gold.1 The following are the methods prescribed for the calculation of the prices of pearls :— (a) According to Diamond-standard : (r) If the pearl is of more than a thousand rail's in weight, then for every hundred ratis, the value would be the same as of a diamond, less three hundred, divided by sixteen. (?) (2) If the pearl is more than hundred ratis in weight, then from every hundred ratis deduct twenty ratis, and after such deduction the value of each rati would be the same as that of the diamond of the first class. Thus if the weight of pearls be 200 ratis, the price will be calculated after a deduction of 20 per cent, from the weight, i.e., upon the weight of 160 ratis. (1b) According to the Gold-standard : Multiply the weight6 of the pearls in ratis by 13! and divide the product by 24, the quotient will be the value of the pearl in so many ratis of gold. The following are some general remarks7 about the worth of pearls: (1) The best pearls are valued at half the price of gold. (2) The best pearls are the red, yellow, round and white. (3) The worst are the flat ones and those having the lustre of powdered bricks. (4) The rest are middling. “ Tuticorin has been celebrated for its pearl-fishery8 from a remote date, and as regards comparatively modern times, Friar Jordanus, a Missionary Bishop, who visited India about the year 1330, tells us that as many as 8,000 boats were then engaged in the pearl-fisheries of Tinnevelly and Ceylon.” Megasthenes’ account of Indian Pearls can be gleaned from Arrian’s Indica (VII—IX) and Pliny’s Natural History (IX, 55). From the Bengali translation of the Greek original of Megasthenes by Prof. Guha we gather that pearl-fishery was only an application of the ordinary principles of the Fishing Industry. It was known that the oyster shells or the mothers-of-pearls lived in shoals like fishes, and resembled the community of bees with a ruling queen. If the chief 1 Sukra IV, ii, 133. 5 Subra IV, ii, 152-154. * Sukra IV, ii, 149. * Sukra IV, ii, 166-167. 9 Sukra IV, ii, 149-151. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 168-170. 8 Sukra IV, ii, 166-170. " Pearl and Chank Fisheries of the Gulf of Mannar, by Thurston, Superintendent, Madras Government Museum, p. 9. Could be caught the whole group of oysters fell an easy prey. The shells were kept in a vessel full of salts for some time until the fleshy portion decomposed of itself. The bony portion, the pearls, was then ready for use. According to Megasthenes the value of pearls was equal to three times that of pure gold of the same weight. iti. Manikya or Ruby. This is the sun’s favourite,1 * of red colour, and has the bright lustre of indragopa insect. This belongs to the class of gems intermediate3 4 between vajra, the best, and the middling ones. It is, therefore, appreciated equally with pearls and emeralds. The comparative values are not stated. We are told simply, as we have seen, that the emerald, if it is good, deserves the price of a ruby.3 There is one more information about manikya, viz., that regarding padmardga,* which is said to be one of its varieties and has the lustre of red lotus. “ The name5 is applied by lapidaries and jewellers to two distinct minerals—the true or oriental ruby and spinel ruby. The former may be called a red variety of corundum, is aluminic oxide. The spinel ruby is an aluminate of magnesium. * * * The ruby receives the name “ oriental ” from the fact of the finest red and violet varieties being obtained from Ceylon, Ava and other parts of the East. ” “ The delicate’ rose pink variety of spinel, known as balas ruby, was worked for centuries in Badakshan. In the time of Marco Polo the mines were wholly in the hands of the king of Balkh. “ The chief sources, however, both of the oriental and the spinel ruby are the mines of tipper Burma. * * * The ruby mines of Burma were first made known by European travellers towards the end of the fifteenth century* ,* * rubies come next in value to diamonds. * * Like most other jewels, rubies have some fancied talismanic virtues attached to them. In many parts of India a bracelet formed of nine gems, of which the ruby is one, is supposed to protect the wearer from the evil eye. ” iv. Pdchl, Marakata, Ganttmala or Emerald. This is the favourite of the planetary deity Mercury.1 It has the lustre of the feathers of the peacock or of the chasha (nilakaqtha) bird. This belongs to the class of pearls and mdnikyaj i.e., just inferior to the vajra or diamond and superior to the middling class. If the gdrutmata is good, it deserves the price of a manikya or ruby. B According to Garudapurana and Agaslyamatam the source of this gem is Turkey. According to Ralnasamgraha it is Mlechchhadesa. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 84. * Sukra IV, ii, 93-95. s Sukra IV, ii, 15?. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 104 6 Encyclopaedia BritaUnica—Chemistry. ” Dictionary of the Economic Products of India (1892), Vol. VI, Part I, pp. 584-589. ’ Sukra IV, ii, 87. * Sukra IV, ii, 93-95. v. Indranlla or Sapphire. This is the Saturn’s favourite,1 is not white, but has the colour of deep clouds (blue). This belongs to the madhyama 3 or middling class of gems, like pusyaraga and vaiduryya, ie., just superior to the lowest class comprising gomeda and pravala. The value of indranlla is perhaps the same as that of gold, as can be guessed from the following : “ The pusyaraga weghing one rati deserves half the price of indranlla* or gold (of the same weight). “ It is classed 4 * with ‘ gems or precious stones ’ in contradistinction to the ‘ inferior gems.’ It is a blue transparent variety of corundum (Al2 03) and differs from the oriental ruby merely in its colour. * * * Sapphires of various colours occur in India. * * * Sapphire is found along with many other varieties of corundum in the ruby mines of Upper Burma. * * In Ceylon * * sapphires are found frequently. In 1882 a remarkable discovery of sapphires was made in Kashmir territory.” vi. Vaiduryya. Prof. Yoges Chandra Ray considers this to be chrysoberyl (oriental cat’s eye), Wilson takes it for lapis lazuli. This is the Ketu’s favourite,' has the lustre of cat’s eyes and has its particles moving. Like indranlla it belongs to the middling class of gems.6 That piece whose three rays are coming out deserves high price.7 Comparative values are not given. vii. Pusyaraga or Topaz. This is the favourite of Jupiter8 and has the brilliancy of gold. It belongs to the middling class9 of gems. The piece weighing one rati deserves, as has been quoted above, half the price cf gold or sapphire of the same weight.10 “ It may be defined11 as a fluosilicate of aluminia (Al2 05 Si). * * The oriental topaz is in reality a yellow sapphire or corundum. Of the occurrence of topaz in India, Ball says, “ there appears to be no authentic record, a reported discovery in the basalt of the Rajmahal hills being open to question. Ceylon, it is believed, yields a not incon- siderable proportion of the topaz of commerce.” According to Garudapurdna the source is Himalaya; according to Ratna- samgraha, it is Karka and Ceylon. viii. Gomeda. It is difficult to identify it. It is agate according to Wilson,13 but zircon according to Yoges Chandra Ray. information about this is as meagre as about coral in Sukraniti. I Sukra IV, ii, 90. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 95. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 159. 4 Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, pp. 474-475, Vol. VI, Part II. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 92. 8 Sukra IV, ii, 83. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 94. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 94. 7 Sukra IV, ii, 160. 10 Sukra IV, ii, 159. II Dictionary of the Economic Products of India (1893), p. 70, Vol. VI, Part IV. 12 Wilson describes it as a stone brought from the Himalaya and the Indus, having four different colours, e.y., white, pale-yellow, red and dark-blue. 16 It is the Rahu's favourite,1 * and like coral has yellowish red or orange colour. Like coral again it belongs to the lowest class.3 Its value is not3 * to be determined by weight like that of all other gems. It does not deserve1 weighing, as it is very low-priced. The region is Himalaya and Sindhu according to Yukti-kalpataru. ix. Pravala, Vidruma or Coral. This is the favourite gem of Mars 6 and has yellowish red colour. Like goineda, it is one of the lowest ralnas. It fades through use6 in time. Like pearls, corals can be cut or written upon7 by iron and stones (e.g., diamonds). Corals weighing one tola deserve half the price of the gold of the same weight.0 “ In addition 9 to being used for adornment ornamental corals have been used in Hindu medicine from a very aucient time aud are mentioned by Susruta. Ainslie remarks that the Tamil practitioners prescribe the red coral when calcined in cases of diabetes and bleeding piles.” Section 12. Miscellaneous. There are certain substances more or less allied to those dealt with in this chapter that have been referred to by the authors of the Sukra cycle in their description of the kalas, the artisans, the industries and the Ordnance Depart- ment. These should be noted in an account of the mineralogical data avail- able from the Sukraniti. One of the general rules for the guidance of kings is that they should accumulate for future purposes such things as are useful to man. Among these are mentioned minerals,10 implements, arms, weapons, gunpowder, vessels, etc. 1. Sulphur. Sulphur11 has been mentioned as an ingredient of gunpowder.13 The following are the recipes for this preparation : (1) Five/Was13 of suvarchi salt ('saltpetre), one pala of sulphur, and one 1 Sukra IV, ii, 91. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 129. 6 Sukra IV, ii, 86. ’ Sukra IV, ii, 93-95. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 162. 0 Sukra IV, ii, 106, 115-116. I Sukra IV, ii, 109-110. The reader is requested to note the change in the translation given here from that given on p.142 of the Vol. XIII of the Sacred Books o] the Hindus Series. 8 Sukra IV, ii, 161. 9 Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, p. 532, Vol. II (1889). 10 Sukra IV, ii, 60-63. II The use of sulphur in medicines as copper sulphate, aud iron sulphate (cojjperas) is as old as Charaka Samhita. 12 Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, who discovered the Sukraniti in 1875, doubts the authenticity of these lines (vide Indo-Aryans, Vol. I, pp. 309-12). But Dr. Gustav Oppert, who edited and published the Text for the Madras Government in 1882, proves by quotations from Vedas, Asoka’s Edicts &c., that “ firearms and gunpowder existed in Ancient India.” See his preface to Sukraniti published by Madras Government, also his essays on the authen- ticity of Sukraniti, and Firearms aud weapons in Ancient India published by Higginbotham & Co., Madras (1880). 13 Sukra IV, vii, 400-404. pa/a of charcoal from the wood of arha (Calotropis gigantea), snuhi (Euphorbia neriifolia) and other trees burnt in a manner that prevents the escape of smoke have to be purified, powdered, and mixed together, then dissolved in the juices of snuhi, arka, and garlic (Allium sativum), then dried up by heat, and finally powdered like sugar. (2) Six or four parts1 of saltpetre may also be used in the preparation of gunpowder. Sulphur and charcoal would remain the same. (3) Experts make gunpowders in various ways2 and of white and other colours according to the relative quantities of constituents Charcoal, sulphur, saltpetre, stones, harital (orpiment)3 4 5 lead, hingul, iron calces (oxides), camphor, jatu (lac), indigo, juice of sarala tree (Pinus longifolia). The use of salts, e.g., Suvarchi or saltpetre,1 has been referred to in the above recipes. The mention of sulphur introduces us to a fact of great economic importance, and furnishes a solid basis for interpreting certain phases in the industrial history of India. “ Chemical and metallurgical industries,” says Mr. Holland, Director of the Geological Survey of India, “are essentially gregarious in their habits. * * * The bye-product is a serious and indispensable item in the sources of profit, and the failure to utilise bye-products necessarily involves neglect of the minerals which will not pay to work for the metal alone.” The demand for sulphur in ancient India and the consequent supply of it in response necessarily involved, according to this ‘principle of association’ which is really an aspect of the Doctrine of the “ Localisation® of Industries,” a good number of auxiliary and allied industries in mining, metallurgy and manufacture, utilising the bye-products. The fact that there are no such auxiliary industries in modern India is the real explanation, according to Mr. Holland, of why a good many otherwise rich metalliferous ores cannot be worked. We can easily turn this economic fact of modern times to account in understanding the industrial situation of the country in by-gone days. Thus we are led to infer the existence in ancient India, side by side with the sulphur industry, of all those to which it is a key. Says Mr. Holland : “Sulphuric acid is essential for the manufacture cf sulphur-phosphates, the purifi- cation of mineral oils and the production of ammonium sulphates, various acids, and a host of minor products; it is a necessary link in the chain of operations involved in the manufacture of the alkalies, with which are bound up the industries of making soap, glass, 1 Sukra IV, vii, 405-406. 2 Sukra IV, vii, 411-415. 3 “ Most of the older Sanskrit MSS. are written on paper prepared with haritala to preserve them from the ravages of insects, and this it does most effectually”—Dutt. Dr. Mitra also describes arsenicised paper in his report on Sanskrit MSS. in the proceed- ings of the Asiatic Society for March, 1875. 4 This salt has been mentioned in Charaka Scimhita and Snsruta Samhita also. 5 Illustrated in modern Europe by the contiguity of Iron and Coal Industry. “Many of the most profitable copper mines in the world could not be worked but for the demand for sulphur in sulphuric acid manufacture, and for sulphuric acid there would be no demand but for a string of other chemical industries in which it is used,” paper, oils, dyes, and colouring matters ; and as a bye-product it permits the remunerative smelting of ores which it would be impossible otherwise to develop.” Industry in ancient India must therefore have been more richly diversified than at present. In fact, the extinction of several industries in modern India is explained by Mr. Holland in the following lines : “ During the last hundred years the cost of a ton of sulphuric acid in England has been reduced from £30 to under £2, and it is in consequence of the attendant revolution in the Europen chemical industries, aided by increased facilities for transport, that in India the manufactures of alum, copperas, blue vitriol, and alkalies have been all but extermi- nated ; that the export trade in nitre has been reduced instead of developed ; that copper and several other metals are no longer smelted ; that the country is robbed every year of nearly 1,00,000 tons of phosphatic fertilisers, and that it is compelled to pay over 10 million sterling for products obtained in Europe from minerals identical with those lying idle in India.” 1 And this state will continue “until industries arise demanding a sufficient number of chemical products to complete an economic cycle.” Exactly the reverse must have been the condition of manufacture and commerce in ancient India, and for the opposite reasons. In the Economic Volume2 of the Indian Empire, also, in the Imperial Gazetteer of India Sries, Mr. Holland harps on this decline of ancient chemi- cal industries : “ In this respect India of to-day stands in contrast to the India of a century ago. The European chemist, armed with the cheap supplies of sulphuric acid and alkali * * * has been enabled to stamp out, in all but remote localities, the once flourishing native manufactures of alum, the various alkaline compounds, blue vitriol, copperas, copper, lead, steel and iron, and seriously to curtail the export trade in nijtre and borax. The high quality of the native-made iron, the early anticipation of the processes3 now employed in Europe for the manufacture of high class steels and the artistic products in copper and brass gave the country a prcminent position in the ancient metallurgical world, while as a chief source of nitre India held a position of peculiar political importance, until less than forty years ago, the chemical manufacturer of Europe found, among his bye-products, cheaper and more effective compounds for the manufacture of explosives.” 2. Glass. Rajendralal says that the word Kacha for glass occurs in works consider- ably over 2,000 years ; and “ seeing that the Singhalese who borrowed all the arts of civilised life from the Hindus, make mention, in the Dipavamsa, of a glass pinnacle, in the 2nd cent. B. C., and of a glass mirror in the 3rd cent. B. C. (I ennent’s Ceylon I, 454), and Pliny describes the glass of India being superior to all others from the circumstance of its being made ol pounded crystal it would not be presumptuous to believe that it was in ancient times used in India in the formation of looking glasses.” In Indo-Aryans Vol. I, Dr. Rajendralal also refers to the knowledge which the Hindus had of glass as a material for the fabrication of ornaments ; 1 Review of the Mineral Production of India during the years 1898-1903 By T. H. Holland, F.R.S. (1905), see pp. 7-8, 117. 2 Chapter III, Mines and Minerals, p. 129 (Oxford, 1907). B See Hindu Chemistry, Vol. II., for Seal’s account of Hindu achievements in chemical industry. but from a passage in the Yukti-kalpataru it appears that it was also used for drinking cups or tumblers, the physiological effect of drinking water from vessels of glass being described to be similar to that of vessels made of crystal. In Sukraniti Glass has been mentioned only once. 'I he making of glass1 vessels is a ka/a. About the antiquity of glass in India, Mr, Jayaswal remarks in reviewing Dr. Schoff’s Periplus for the Modern Review : “ Glass in India was a manufacture long before it became known to Ceylon (3rd century B.C.,) The Artha-Sastra calls false gems “ glass-gems,” and mentions the manu- facture of glass. Pliny’s description that the glass of India was superior to all others, because it was “made of pounded crystal’’ and because of the discovery made by the Hindus of the art of colouring crystal, indicates a long previous history of the industry in this country. Coloured glass was well-known to the Artha-Sastra. The glass-worker, called at present Maniyara, is mentioned by the very name (Manikara) in the Mahavastu. The following are the remarks of Dobbs : “ The manufacture of glass 2 was known in ancient India as eariy as 800 B.C., for in Yajurvedci glass is mentioned as one of the articles of which female ornaments were made. It is also noticed in the Meihabhdrata, and in an old book called the Yukti-kalpataru that the effects on the human sjstem of drinking Water out of a glass tumbler are stated to be the same as those of drinking out of a crystal cup. In more recent times, in the 16th century, the glass of India is said to have been exported in large quantities to Europe, and in the north of Italy there is a tradition that the Venetians at one time obtained, if not their raw glass at least its ingredients, from the plains of Hindusthan.” Mr. Taw Sein-kaw also bears testimony to the antiquity of Indian pottery, both glazed and earthen, and to its having influenced the pottery and glassware of Burma.3 4 “The ceramic art did not achieve any public recognition in Europe till the 16th century A. D., but long before that period the pottery of Burma had become famous.” Ibn Batuta, the celebrated Arabian traveller of the 14th century, also recorded the fact. In Yub’s Hobson-Jobsan we have the following :— “ In this town of Martaban (now a small village in Amherst district) are made very large and beautiful porcelain vases, and some of glazed earthenware of a black colour, which are highly valued among the Moors, and they export them as merchandise.” And Mr. Seinkaw observes that Taikkala, one of the most important seaports of the country governed by the rulers of Martauan : “ was colonised, (as the name implies), by the Gautlas of the ancient city of Gour in Bengal. O11 the site of this historic Taikkala, traces of a wall and moat still exist, and fragments of pottery and glazed tiles are found.” 3. Alkalies. Alkalies also have been mentioned in Sukraniti as Ksaras. Thus one of the 64* arts or kalas is the extraction or preparation of alkalies. Government 1 Sukra IV, iii, 191. 2 See Monograph on the Pottery and Glass Industries of the Nortlir-W ester n Provinces and Oudh by Dobbs (1895, Chapter IX, p. 29). 3 Monograph on the Pottery and Glass ware of Burma (1894-95), pp. 2-3, revenue from this chemical industry is declared to be one-half1 of the produce after the costs have been met. • 4. Stones. Stones have been refeired to several times. We have just seen that these may be used as ingredients for gunpowder. Their use in statuary, iconography, and sculpture has been mentioned by the Sukra authors in their description of the images of gods. We have already alluded to this in connexion with metals. We are told that stones are next in importance to metals in the construction of images in point of durability,2 and superior to all other materials, e.g.} sands, pastes, paints, enamels, earth, wood, &c. The responsiblity of the sculptor, therefore, is very great. For he must have to be well up in the conventions of the art. His workmanship would not be appreciated unless it conforms to the exact rules laid down by the masters of Silpasastras. The images that are made of less durable material are not examined by people very critically, and hence may be executed without particular care. But stone being a durable material involves on the artist an extra amount of careful- ness. But such stones as are found in hills and rivers may be used for religious purposes without human art being made to work upon them. Defects of3 measurement are not to be noticed in such images, e.g., the natural Vdnalingas of the Narmada valley, Chandrakanta gems, or stones found in the Gandaka river. When stone images are constructed the worshippers should observe a rule with regard to the colour of the material used. “ The white stone4 * is pre- scribed for the Satyayuga as indicating sattwika type of images, the yellow and red stones are prescribed for Tretayuga and Dwaparayuga respectively as indicating rajasika type, and the black stones for the Kaliyuga as indicating tamasika type. These types of images will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. Image worship being a universal feature of Indian religious life, the industry connected with stones must be expected to have been a very rich one in the days of Sukra authors, as in all ages in Indian history. Not in religious life only, but in other departments of the social life of the people also, stone-quarrying, stone-carving, stone-inlaying as well as other industries and fine arts connected with the manipulation of sandstones, building stone, granite and marble, have played a conspicuous part. Hence in Sukraniti we find that among the sixty-four kalas there is one connected with stones.8 1 Sukra IV, ii, 233-35. 2 Sukra IV, iv, 150-151. 3 Sukra IV, iv, 305-308. - Sukra IV, iv, 310-313. 6 Sukra IV, iii, 167-168. This Consists in the art of cleansing, polishing, dyeing, rinsing, &c., of stone vessels. There is another art also mentioned by Sukracbaryya as being an auxiliary of Ayurveda. This is the melting and incineration of stones.1 Again, stone-carvers2 are sufficiently important to be recognised by the statesmen of the Sukra cycle in their enumeration of the artists and artisans whom the state should “ protect” by finding suitable employment. It is stated by Fergusson that there is no stone architecture in India earlier than the 3rd century B.C. But says Mr. Crosthwaite :3 “ The negative fact that no stone architecture jjrevious to As'oka has yet been discovered, does not justify the positive conclusion arrived at by Fergusson. * * * The famous Saranath stupa and the stupa near Kasia in Gorakhpur are even older than the 3rd century B.C. The excavation of a stupa at Pipralrwa in Basti District yielded a casket bearing an inscription in the character of the 3rd or 4th century B.C. * * * The stone mason’s art must have existed in India for some centuries before Asoka’s reign. ” The following refers to Southern India : “ Early stone-carving reached a high degree of perfection, first under the Buddhists in India and even sometime before it,4 * ** * following the Buddhists each successive Hindu dynasty left examples of their particular styles. * * * Towards the end of the Hindu period the Vijayanagara kings were the greatest patrons of stone-carving. “ The perfection s to which the art of stone-carving was carried and the propor- tions attained by the industry can be readily, if roughly, gauged by the extent of the architectural remains still in existence, and the profusion and finish of the ornamental work with which they are enriched. The proportion which the decorative industry bore to the constructive defies accurate computation, but judged by European standards it must have been extraordinarily high. ” Mr. Vincent Smith6 testifies to the skill of Hindu lapidaries : “Hindus, as Mr. King observes, were among the earliest of mankind to attain to mechanical perfection and facility in the treatment of the hardest stones exe- cuting with facility many operations which would baffle the skill of the most expert modern lapidary; such as boring fine holes with the greatest precision, not merely through the sardonyx, but even through the sapphire and the ruby. All considerable collections of Indian antiquities comprise numerous specimens of jiierced beads mads of various precious and semi-precious stones, which display the complete mastery of the old craftsmen over the most different material.” Regarding the use of stones in the manufacture of sofas, chairs, benches etc., in Hindu India, the following is quoted from hido- Aryans :7 “Of stones, the gritty sandstone alone was condemned, and the other kinds recommended, with the proviso that the colour of the stone should correspond with that of the planet which presided for the time being on the destiny of the person who 1 Sukra IV, iii, 145. » Sukra II, 397-398. 3 Monograph on Stone Carving (1906). 4 Monograph 011 Stone-carving and Inlaying in Southern India by Rea (1906). 6 Stone-carving and Inlaying in the Bombay Presidency by Tupper (1906). 8 History of Fine Art, p. 355. 7 Sukra I, 252-53. was to use the seat; thus when a man happened to be under the influence of Saturn, he had to use a stone seat of a blue colour, but if Venus happened to be the presiding planet, a bright yellow stone was the most appropriate.” Regarding evidences for the treatment of stones in Hindu Architecture and Sculpture, besides the works of the historians of Indian Art, previously referred to several times, some of the unpublished collections of private associations in Bengal deserve a special mention. Such literary bodies are the Bangiya Sahitya Parisat of Calcutta, Rangpur Sahitya Parisat, Dacca Sahitya Parisat, etc., and District Council of National Education, Malda, whose collections1 of Gauda and Pandua relics were exhibited by the distinguished antiquarian, Radhes Chandra Seth, at a conference of the men of letters belonging to North Bengal. But the most considerable are the recent finds of the Varendra Research Society in Rajsahi. All these stones have opened up a new field for students of Indian art-culture and archaeology. The explorations of this last academy have presented us with some of the most exquisite specimens of stone images of various Buddhistic and Hindu gods and goddesses of the Tantric type, which should have a place in the sculpture-gallery of the nation, as embodying probably the ideals of an yet unstudied School of Hindu Art. We have also inscribed stone-pillars and monuments which reveal altogether unknown facts of the political, economic, and commercial history of Eastern India in mediaeval times (8th—13th cent). To quote Mr. Aksaya Kumar Maitra, the guide and philosopher of the Varendra school of historical research : " These and similar inscriptions show at a glance of what stuff were made the people of old Bengal, who at one time extended their empire from shore to shore, between the Himalayas on the North and the Vindhya on the South, and what constituted the high education of the people of that age.” Further, "although the Pala kings were Buddhists, their hereditary ministers were all Brahmans. * * * Bhatta Gurava, the builder of this monument, was not only a pious Brahman, but was also an efficient minister of state, a valiant warrior, and a poet who used to be looked upon by his contemporaries as a Valmiki of the Knlikdlu. The most important stone pillars brought to prominent notice by this school of historians are (t) the inscribed Garudastambha pillar (in Dinajpur), (2) the inscribed pillar of the Kamboja king—a carved pillar of black basalt (in Dinajpur), (3) the pillar of the Kaivarta leader—a stone monolith " which may be looked upon as a finger-post to indicate the decline and fall ” of the Pala Empire. Stone-images of Visnu, Durga, Sun-god, Bodhisattva, etc., found by the Varendra Research Society, as well as other materials in their possession enable Mr. Maitra to make the following remarks with regard to what may be proved to be the site of the capital of an old prosperous empire in the 1 See the full report of the Malda Conference (1911) published in Bengali (1913) by the Sahitya Parisat of Rangpur. modern district of Malda, lying north to south on the east of the river Maha- nanda : “It was indeed a city of palaces,1 2 a city of gardens, and a city of fine tanks, * * * These suburban areas (including modern Pandua, Kaligrama,1 and other modern villages) enjoyed for a long time a great reputation as an import- ant centre of the old weaving industry of Bengal. * * * Towards the south of the great city, there was another suburb, modern Madhaipur, still remem- bered as one of the traditional centres of Sanskrit education in the Empire of Gauda under the Hindus, before Nadia asserted its influence. * * * Old Malda was the port of the city connected with the Far East as well as with the historic markets of the western world.’’ 1 See Stones of Vdrendra—in the Modern Review, June, August and September 1912. 2 An important Tantrie image of the goddess, popularly called Bhairavi, in the vicinity of Kaligrama, has been brought to the notice of the literary world by Mr. Haridasa Palit, of the District Council of National Education, Malda, and described with illustration in the Bengali monthly, the Grihastha, Calcutta. 17 CHAPTER V. THE DATA OF ANCIENT INDIAN BOTANY. Section i. Sukranili an a source of Botanical Information. In Sukranili references to plants and plant-life fall into three classes : x. The Nitisastra being the architectonic or dominant science, whatever has any influence on human and social life must be discussed in it. Treatment of botanical topics thus has a very natural place in Sukraniti. In Hindu literature there is the tradition of Varahamihira, the scientist of the 6th century A.D., having treated of more than a thousand phenomena of Nature as affecting the well-being of humanity in his celebrated treatise, Brihat Samhita, 2. The flora of a locality as well as the Botanical ideas obtaining in any epoch cannot but leave their markon the literary activities of a people. The casual references of authors to vegetation, the features or habits of plants, and their uses in social life are some of the internal evidences which may be interpreted as telling the story of the author’s range of experiences. Like the Data of ancient Indian Mineralogy and Geography, the Data of ancient Indian Botany that may be culled from a study of the flora in Sukraniti would thus furnish important clues to the home and surroundings as well as the epoch in which the authors of the Sukra cycle flourished. For in the first place, types of flora vary from province to province, and secondly, the knowledge about plant-life changes from epoch to epoch. The Botanical references in Sukraniti, therefore, must carry with them the ‘ spirit ’ of both Space and Time. 3. The authors of the Sukra cycle have not treated of plants as plants, but as substances having a direct or indirect bearing on the social, economic and political topics that concern them mainly. The treatment of plants in Sukraniti is, therefore, not at all what should be expected in Botany as an abstract science, but is purely utilitarian or economic. The Economic Botany of Sukracharyya, again, eschews the medical or Ayurvedic, and industrial or artistic branches, but is treated of only in the following aspects : (1) Agriculture, (2) Horticulture and (3) Forestry. Section 2. Identification of the Sukra Flora. The trees, plants, shrubs, creepers, &c., mentioned in Sukraniti are being shown in three schedules.1 The first schedule contains the plants grouped together by the authors of the Sukra cycle under the common name of Phalinah or fruit-bearing. The second schedule contains the plants grouped 1 See the lists in Meyen’s Botunical Oeographij (Ray Society, London, 1846), pp. 290-395. together in the treatise under the common name of Kantakinah (thorny) and Aranyaka (growing in forests). The classification is not at all scientific according to the principles of modern Botany, nor does it indicate any cleverness from the ordinary stand- point of the layman. For even as yielding edible fruits some of the plants mentioned in the second list might be well-placed in the first. The third schedule contains the trees, plants, or shrubs to which only casual references have been made. (a) The Phalinah or Fruit-bearing Trees.' It is to be noted that the term fruit-bearing has not been used in the strict Botanical sense of Phanerogams, which, being flowering plants, are necessarily also fruit-bearing. The Sukra authors mean simply that these trees grow fruits either in abundance or such as are appreciated by men as edibles or articles of commerce. Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 1. Udumvara ... ... Ficus glomerata ... Sub-himalayan tract and outer valleys, in ravines, on the banks of rivers and in damp places, Ajmere-Merwara, Aboo, Behar, Chutia Nagpur, Bengal plains, Khasi Hills, Chittagong, Lower Burma, Irrawadi valley, Western Peninsula, Central Provinces. 2. As'wattha ... Holy fig-tree Ficus religiosa ... Indigenous in the Sub-himalyan (Peepul), tract. Cultivated throughout India. Rare in the arid regions of N. W. India. Common on and destructive to buildings in Bengal. Sacred to Hindus and Buddhists. 3. Vata ... Banyan ... Ficus bengalensis Commonly planted by the Hindus throughout India as far north as Peshawar and in the outer Himalaya as high as 4,000 feet. 4. Chinchfi ... Tamarind ... Tcimarindus indica Cultivated throughout India and Burma. Self-sown in waste and forest lands. The fruit does not ripen west of Amballa. 5 Chandana ... Sandal ... Santalum album ... Indigenous in W. Peninsula. Grown in gardens north as far as Saharanpur. 6. Jambh&la ... Lime—acid and Citrus medico. ... Kumaon, C. P., Sikkim, Garo Hills, sweet, citron, Satpura Hills, Western Ghats, lemon. Chittagong, Khasi Hills. 1 See Botanical Volume of the Bombay Gazetteer {1886), Indian Trees by Brandis, Indige- nous Drugs of India by Kanny Lall Dey and Dictionary of Economic Products by Watt. Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 7. Kadamba ... ... Nauclea cadamba ... Terai and outer hills of Sikkim to 3,000 feet, evergreen forests of North Kanara, Northern Circars, Cuddapah and Karnul, Eastern slopes of the Pegu Yoma. Com- monly planted. 8. Asoka ... ... Jonesia asoka ... Khasi Hills, Arakan, Tenasserim, Western Peninsula, Northern Circars, and in evergreen forests of the Kankan and Kanara. Frequently planted, chiefly near temples in India and Burma. 9. Vakula ... ... M imusops elengi ... Western Peninsula, southwards from Kandala Ghat on the west and Northern Circars on the east. Commonly planted, north as far as Lahore. 10. Vilwa ... Bael tree ... JEglemarmelos ... Wild in the Sub-himalayan tracts and outer hills from the Jhelum eastwards, also in S. India and Burma. Cultivated throughout India on account of its fruit. 11. Amrita ... Pear tree Pyrus communis Largely cultivated in N. W. (Naspati in Himalaya. Hindi). 12. ICapit t h a k a Wood-apple... Feronia elephantum Generally cultivated in both (Kat bel in peninsulas. Indigenous in S. Hindi). India and Ceylon. Bark used as a cosmetic. 13. Rajadana ... ... Mimusops hexandra Banda District, sandstone of Pachmarhi and adjoining hill ranges, Chanda District, Gujrat, Khandesh, Deccan, Srihari Kota. 14. Amra ... Mango ... Mangifera Indica... Indigenous in Burma, Sikkim, Assam, Khasi Hills, Satpuras, W. Ghats. Cultivated all over India and Burma, excepting the nor- thern part of the Punjab. 15. Punnaga ... ... C al o p h y 11 u m On the west coast from Bombay, inophyllum. on the east coast from Orissa southwards. Often cultivated, Saline tracts, Minbu District, Upper Burma. 16. Kasthamra ... ... Mijrica sapida ... Outer Himalaya from the Ravi eastwards. Sanskrit name. 17. Tuda 18. Champaka 19. Nipa 20. Koka 21. Amra 22. Sarala 23. Darima 24. Aksota English name. Botanical name. Mulberry ... (1) Morns alba ... (2) Morns indica ... Michelia cliampaka, ... Variety of Jonesia as oka. "Wild date tree Phoenix' sylvestri Spondias man gifera. Pine ... Pinus longi folia . Pomegranate... Punica granatim (1) Walnut (1) Juglans regia . (aklirot in Hindi). (2) Indian (2) Aleurites mo- walnut. luccana. Habitat. (1) Punjab plains, Kashmir, N. W. Himalaya. (2) Wild in the Sub-himalayan tract in dry forest from the Sut- lej eastward. Extensively cul- tivated to feed the seedworm in Bengal and Burma. Wild on the Western Ghats in the southern portion, in Sikkim (up to 3,000 feet) and in Lower Bur- ma. Cultivated in the moister parts of India and Burma, shady valleys in Singhbhum. Indigenous and gregarious in many parts of India. Planted largely. Mats and baskets made of leaves. Sugary juice extract- ed in the cold season. Sub-himalayan tract and outer valleys to 3,000 feet from the Chenab eastwards. Salt range in the Punjab, deciduous forests of Burma and the Western Peninsula. . Sub-himalayan tract and outer Himalaya, abundant as far east as Nepal ; not in the inner arid valleys. Further eastward less common, in Sikkim usually on dry southern slopes. It is sup- posed that the rainfall in the Sub-himalayan tract here is too heavy for this species (Gamble’s Darjeeling List Ed. ii. 1883). Indigenous in Persia and Afgha- nistan. Cultivated. Naturalised in India from remote antiquity. (1) Indigenous trans-Indus in the Kurram valley, N.-W. Himalaya, Sikkim. (2) Indigenous probably in the Malaya Archipelago. Cultivat- ed in most tropical and sub- tropical countries, and here and there naturalised. Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. 25. Sirasupfi ... ... Dalbergia sissoo ... 26. Bhissata. 27. Yadara ... Jujube (kool in Zizyphus jujuba ... Bengali). Habitat. Sub-himalayan tract and in outer valleys from the Indus to Assam. Extending far into the plains along river banks. Planted and often selfsown throughout India. Indigenous and naturalised throughout India and Burma. Grown in gardens for its fruit. 28. Nimba ... Neem or Mar- Azadirachta indica Wild in the dry region of the goza. Irrawady valley. Cultivated and naturalised throughout India, f rare west of the Sutlej. 29. Simbhu. 30. Jambira ... Lime 31. Ksirika 32. Kharjura Variety of Oitrus medica. Variety of Mimu- sops liexandra. (1) Variety of Phoe- nix' sylvestris. (2) Date-palm (2) Phoenix dacty- lifera. (2) Cultivated and selfsown in Sind and Southern Punjab, attempts to grow it have been made in other parts of India. 38. Devakaraja ... ... Pongamia glabra ... Common near banks of streams and water-courses in both penin- s u 1 a s. Travancore, Oudh Forests, here and there in Sub- himalayan tract, ascending to 2,000 feet. 34. Phfilgu ... Opposite-leaved fig tree. (?) 35. Tapinchchha1 (Tamfila). Variety of Garcinia xanthochymus. 86. Simbhala. 37. Kudd&la ... Ebony ... Diospyros melan- Common in deciduous forests of xylon, C. P., Chutia Nagpur, Beharand W. Peninsula. 38. Lavali ... ••• (I) Phyllanthua die- (1) In gardens throughout India. tichas. (2) Anona reticulata (2) Cultivated over a great part of India. 1 It is to be noted that Tapinchchha is a variety of Tamula (Garcinia xanthochymus) included in the list of wild flora in Sukraniti, Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 39. Dhfitri ... ... Woodfordia flori- Widely spread from tropical bunda. Africa, Arabia to India, ascend- ing to 5,000 feet in the Himalaya and to both peninsulas. 40. Kramuka ... Betel-nut ... Areca catechu ... Cultivated in the tropical and sub-tropical regions of India and Burma, in gardens and orchards on the W. coast and in N. Bengal. The seeds are an important article of trade, the spathes are used to write upon, to wrap up parcels, and as covering leaf of cheroots in Burma. 41. Matulungaba... Citron ... Variety of Citrus medica. 42. Lakoocha ... ... Artocarpus lakoo- Sub-himalayan tract and outer cha. hills, from Kumaon eastwards, ascending to 4,000 feet Khasi Hills. Burma, evergreen forest of the Western Ghats from the Konkan southwards. 43. N&rikela ... Cocoanut ... Cocos nucifera ... Cultivated throughout the tro- pics, chiefly in the vicinity of the sea, but also inland. 44. Ratnbhil ... Plantains ... Musa sapientum... Extensively cultivated through- out India, nearer coast tracts than inland. The list of fruit-bearing trees in the Sukra Flora contains 44 plants. Of these four have not been identified, vis., (1) Bhissata,(2) &imbhu, (3) Simbhala and (4) Phalgu. The remaining 40 plants belong to 35 species, as four species have been mentioned in varieties comprising nine plants, e.g., (1) Citrus medica as Jambhala, Jambira, and Mdtulungaka, (2) Jonesia asoka as Asoka and Nipa, (3) Mimusops hexandra as Rajadana and Ksirika, (4) Phcemx sylvestris as Koka and Kharjura. These 35 species are grouped under the following 19 Natural Orders :■= I. Rutacere II. Urticacese III Leguminosse (1) Citrus medica. (2) J5gle marmelos. (3) Feronia elephantum. (1) Ficus glomerata. (2) Ficus religiosa. (3) Ficus bengalensis. (4) Morns alba or Indica. (5) Artocarpus lakoochu. (1) Tamarind us indica. (2) Jonesia asoka. (3) Dalbergia sissoo. (4) Pongamia glabra. IV. Santalace* Santalum album. V. Rubiace* Nauclea cadamba. VI. Sapotace* (1) Mimusops elengi. (2) Mimusops hexandra. VII. Rosace* ... Pyrus communis. VIII. Anacardiace* (1) Mangifera indica. (2) Spondias mangifera. IX. Magnoliac* ... Michelia champaka. X. Palmace* (1) Phoenix sylvestris. (2) Areca catechu. (3) Cocos nucifera. XI. Conifer* Pinus longifolia. XII. Juglandace* ... ... Juglans regia. XIII. Meliace* ... Azadirachta indica. XIV. Euphorbiace*... ... Pliyllanthus distichas. XV. Musace* ... Musa sapientum. XVI. Guttifer* (1) Calophyllum inophyllum. (2) Garcinia xanthocliymus. XVII. Myricace* ... Myrica sapida. XVIII. Ebenace* ... Diospyros melanxylon. XIX, Lythrace* (1) Woodfordia floribunda. (2) Punica granatum. (b) The Aranyaka Trees. The following list contains the names of trees which, according to Sukrachdryya should be planted in forests : — Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 1. Khadira ... Catechu ... Acacia catechu ... Sub-himalayan tract from the Indus eastwards, generally gre- garious on islands and on the banks of rivers at their entrance into the plains. Com- mon on the Aravalli Hills and in the W. Peninsula, as well as Burma, Central Provinces, Chu- tia Nagpur, Behar. Crotalaria burhia Common in the plains of Sind, Punjab, W. Rajputana and Guja- rat. Tectona grandis ... Indigenous in both peninsulas. In W. India attains its northern limit in W. Aravallis at 24°42' N. Lat. In C. India its northern- most point is Jhansi. Cultivated in Bengal and Assam and in N. India as far as Dehra Dun. 2. Asmanta ... Oxalis, (?) probably In- dian hemp. 3. S&ka ... Teak Sanskrit name. 4, Agnimantha . 5. Syaunaka 0. Vabbula 7. Tamila 8. S&la 9. Kutaja 10. Tlhava 11. Arjuna 12. Pal lisa English name. Botanical name. Premna integri- folia. ... Oroxyhim indicum ... Acacia arabica Garcinia xantho- chgmus or Ginna- monum tamula. Shorea robusta ... Holarrhena anti- dysenterica. Anogeissus latifolia Terminalia arjuna Butea frondosa ... Habitat. West Peninsula, Bengal, Burma. Sub-himalayan tract from the Jumna eastwards. Rare west of the Jumna. Indigenous in Sind and Northern Deccan, including Berar and Khandesh. Cultivated and na- turalised throughout India, ex- cept in the most humid regions. The pods are excellent cattle- fodder. Gum exudes largely from wouuds in the bark. Sikkim, Assam, Khasi, Chittagong, W. Peninsula, Circars, W. Ghats, N. Kanara. Two irregular, but fairly defined belts: (1) Sub-himalayan belt from Kangra valley to Darrang (Assam). Further to N. W. the cold is too severe, further east, the climate is too moist. (2) Central Indian belt extends from Coromandel coast west to Pacli- marhi sandstone hills and south to Godavari river. Sub-himalayan tract, from the Chenab eastwards, common in sal forest. Aravalli Hills, Behar, C. P. western Peninsula, Bengal. One of the trees to be employed in reclaiming waste lands. Sub-himalayan tract from the Ravi to Nepal, C. I., Western Peninsula,Chutia Nagpur, Behar, Orissa. Not in Assam, Eastern Bengal nor Burma. Common on the banks of rivers, streams and dry water courses in C. I. and S. Behar, in the Peninsula and Ceylon, Jammu, Chutia Nagpur. Here and there in Sub-himalayan tract. Not in east and Central Bengal, nor in Burma. Common throughout India and Burma, often gregarious. In the N. W. Himalaya. In Travancore not common. 18 Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 13. Saptaparna .. Alstonia scholar is Sub-himalayan tract, ascending to 3,000 feet from the Jumna east- wards. Western Peninsula and Burma, mostly in deciduous forests, Bengal, Assam, Anda- mans. 14. Sami Acacia suma ... W. Peninsula, both on the west as well as east side extending north to Pertabgarh, in S. R&j- putana, Lower Bengal. 15. Tunna . ... Cedrela toonu ... Sub-himalayan tract from the Indus eastwards. Evergreen forests of the W. Ghats and other hills of the W. Peninsula, Khasi Hills, Manipur, Upper and Lower Burma. Cultivated extensively. 16. Devadaru .. . Him a 1 a y a n Cedrus deodara ... Afghanistan, Chittral, Kurram, cedar. N. W. Himalaya. On two feed- ers of Alakananda. Cultivated in Kumaon and Nepal. 17. Vikankata ., ... Flacourtia sapida Sub-himalayan tract from the Punjab eastwards, Rajputana, Behar, Central India, the Deccan, and the Peninsula, mostly in dry open places and on rocky hills, Manipur. 18. Karamanda Carissa carandas Cultivated for its fruit in most parts of India. 19. Ingudi Balanites ruxbur- Chiefly in the drier parts of ghii. India and Burma, as far north as Delhi, common in the open country, particularly on stiff clay soil. 20. Bhfirja ,, ... Betula bhojaputra Kurram valley, 10—11,000 feet, in Himalaya, 10—14,000 feet, in tlie Punjab as low as 7,800 feet, also in the inner arid region. Often gregarious at the upper limit of tree vegetation. The outer bark is used as a paper for writing and packing, for umbrella covers and for the roofing of houses. Sanskrit name. 21, Visamusthi .. 22 Kariraka 23. Sallaki 24. Kasraai’I 25. P&tha 26. Tinduka 27. Vijasaraka * 28. Haritaki 29. Bhallata English name. Botanical name. ... Strychnos nux-vo- mica. Capparis aphylla Boswellia serrata Qmelina arboreu Stephania hernan- difolia. Diospyros ein- bryopteris. Variety of Citrus medica. Terminalia chebula Marking nut Semecarpus ana- cardium. Habitat. Gorakhpur forests. NearPundua, Orissa, \V. Peninsula, Burma. The seeds contain strychnine, an extremely bitter and most* poisonous alkaloid. Arid and dry regions of W. Pe- ninsula, from the Punjab and Sind to Tuticorin, waste lands of the Doab. Sub-himalayan tract from the Sutlej eastwards and throughout the drier parts of the Western Peninsula. Always in decidu- ous forests and often gregarious, forming open forests, C. India, Behar, Chutia Nagpur. Sub-himalayan tract from the Chenab eastwards. Aravalli Hills, 0. I., Singhbhum, Western Peninsula, Burma, Assam, Cen- tral Bengal, South Lusai Hills, Chittagong. Sub-himalayan tract from Nepal eastwards, Assam, Khasi Hills, Bengal, Burma, W. Ghats and Coast, Ceylon. Sub-himalayan tract from the Jumna to the Tista, chiefly in ravines and moist shady places. C. I., W. Peninsula, common in Northern Circars, Bengal. The pulp of the unripe fruit is used as gum and in the place of tar for paving the seams of boat. Sub-himalayan tract from the Sutlej eastwards. Common in the deciduous forests. The dry fruit is one of the best tanning materials. (See Brandis’ Indian Trees, p. 308, Edition of 1906). Sub-himalayan tract from the Bias eastwards. Assam, Khasi Hills, Chittagong, C. I., W. Pe- ninsula, Behar, Chutia Nagpur, Upper Burma, English name. Botanical name. Habitat. Calotropis gigan- Common in the plains of Northern tea. India and in the Peninsula, Jabalpur, Sundariban, Singh- bhum, often gregarious. Fibre silky, made into rope, paper and cloth. 32. Puskara. 33. Arimeda ... ... Acacia farnesicnia Throughout India and Burma. 34- Pitadru ... Variety of pine (Deodar). 35. Salmali ... The cotton Bombax malabari- Sub-himalayan tract from the tree. cum. Indus eastwards. Common in both peninsulas and often cul- tivated. 30. Vibhitaka ... ... Terminalia belle- Sub-himalayan tract from near rica. the Indus eastwards. Common throughout India and Burma, eycepting the arid region of Sind, Western Rajputana and the Southern Punjab. Fruit used for dyeing and tanning, 37. Naravela. 38. Madhuka ... ... Bassia latifolia Planted in most parts oi India, propagating itself by selfsown seed. Indigenous in the Sub-hi- malayan tract from the Ravi to the Great Gandak, in the Sat- pura range, and the Peninsula. The list of Aranyaka Flora in Sukraniti contains 38 plants. Of these, three have not been identified : (;) Sampaka, (2) Puskara and (3) Naravela. The remaining 35 plants belong to 34 species,1 as one species has been mentioned in two varieties, e.g., the Pinus deodara as Devadaru and Pitadru. These 34 species are grouped under the following 23 Natural Orders; I. Leguminosfe ... (1) Acacia catechu. (2) Crotalaria burhia. (3) Butea frondosa. (4) Acacia arabica. (5) Acacia suma. (6) Acacia farnesiana. [I. Verbenacese ... (1) Tectona grandis. (2) Premna integrifolia. (3) Gmelina arborea. 1 It is to be noted that Vtjasaraka mentioned here is a variety of Citrus medico. included in the Fruit-bearing list. Sanskrit name. 30. Sampaka. 31. Arka III. Bignoniaceae Oroxylum indicum. IV. Guttiferse Garcinia xanthochymus. V. Dipterocarpaeese Shorea robusta. VT. Apocynacese (1) Holarrhena antidysenterica. (2) Carissa earandas. (3) Alstonia scliolaris. VII. Combretacese (1) Anogeissus latifolia, (2) Terminalia arjuna. (3) Terminalia chebula. (4) Terminalia bellerica. VIII. Meliaceae Cedrela toona. IX. Coniferse Cedrus Deodara. X. Bixacese Flacourtia sapida. XI. Simarubacese Balanites roxburghii. XII. Betulacere Betula bhojapatra. XIII. Loganiacese Strychnos nux vomica. XIV. Capparidacese Capparis aphylla. XV. Burseracere ... Boswellia serrata. XVI. Menispermaceae Stephania hernandifolia. XVII. Ebenacese Diospyros embryopteris. XVIII. Rutacese Citrus medica. XIX. Anacardiacese Semecarpus anacardium. XX. Asclepiadacese Calotropis gigantea. XXI. Malvaceae Bombax malabaricum. XXII. Sapotaeeae Bassia latifolia. (c) Other Plants.1 The following is the list of plants to which references have been made in Sukraniti either as illustrations or as economic products of daily domestic use, etc.: Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. Habitat. 1. Utpala, Kamala. 2. Sarsapa 8. Venu 4. Vrihi Lotus Mustard Bamboo Rice Nelumbium specio- Large aquatic herb found all sum. over India and extending as far north as Kashmir. Brassica campes- Throughout India. tris. Dendrocalamus Widely spread and very common strictus. throughout India and Burma. Oryza sativa. Cultivated throughout India. Chief wild habitat from Madras and Orissa to Bengal, Chitta- gong, Assam. Extends to Nil- giri Hills, U. P., and even to Punjab. 1 See Food-Qmins of India by A. H. Church (Chapman & Hall, London, 1886), The Indian Empire in the Imperial Gazetteer of India Series, Vol. Ill, Economic, Chapter II (1907). Watt’s Dictionary of Economic Products of India, Vols. V, VI (Parts I and II). Sanskrit name. 5. Iksu 6. T£mbfila 7. Kuluttha 8. Masa 9. Mudga 10. Yava 11. Tila 12. Nispapa 13. Makustlia ... 14. Chanaka 15. Masfira 18. Snuhi 17. Rasona 18. Nili 19. Tula (Bengali name for Karpasa). English name. Botanical name. Sugarcane ... Saccharum offici- nurum. Betel leaf ... Piper betle Horse gram ... Dolichos biflorus or uniflorus. Black gram ... Phaseolus radiatus Green gram... Phaseolus mungo Barley ... Eordeum vulgare Sesamum ... Sesamum indicum ... Dolichos sinensis or lablab. ... Phaseolus aconti- folius. Gram ... Cicer arietinum ... Habitat. U. P., Bengal, Punjab. Cultivated throughout sub-tropical and tropical Asia and the islands of the Indian and Pacific oceans. Cultivated for the sake of its leaves in the hotter and damper regions of India and Ceylon (Madras, C. P., Bengal, U. P., Bombay). Wild in the Himalaya to Ceylon and Burma, ascending to 3,000 feet in Sikkim. Not infrequent- ly cultivated. Both wild and cultivated through- out the plains. Both wild and cultivated through- out the plains, ascending to 6,000 feet in the outer ranges of N. W. Himalaya. Throughout India. Cultivated throughout the tropi- cal regions of the globe. In India a crop of the warm tem- perate or sub-tropical tracts. Wild and cultivated throughout India. Throughout India from Himalaya to Ceylon and extending from the tropical region up to 4,000 feet in the N. W. Extensively cultivated through- out India, especially in the Northern Provinces. Lentil Garlic Indigo Cotton ... Ervum lens ov Lens Winter crop all over India. esculenta. Euphorbia neriifolia Wild on rocky ground in C. I., and extensively cultivated in the neighbourhood of villages in Bengal and elsewhere. ... Allium sativum ... Cultivated all over India. ... Indigoferu tine- Cultivated as an annual or as a toria. biennial or triennial. ... Oossypium herba- Egypt, Asia Minor, Northern ceum. Africa and Southern Europe. Cultivated at least in N. W. India even as early as Alex- ander. (Watt’s Dictionary.) Sanskrit name. English name. Botanical name. 20. Godhuma Wheat. 21. Harimatha 22. Swetasarsapa, Peas White mustard or Rye. 23. Gunja, Rati, Krisnala. Triticum vulgare or sativum. Pisum sativum Brassica alba Abrus precat or ius 24. GanjA Indian hemp... Cannabis sativa Habita . Generally, in those parts of India, where rice does not thrive ; but rarely it is culti- vated anywhere south of the Deccan. Perhaps existed in Northern India before the arrival of E. Aryans. Universal. Supposed to be a native of more southern portion of Europe and Western Asia. By no means a common plant. All along the Himalaya ascend- ing to altitude 3,000 feet and spreading through the plains of India to Ceylon and Siam. Wild on the Western Himalaya and Kashmir and acclimatised on the plains of India generally The list consisting mainly of pulses and cereals contains 24 plants belong- ing to 24 species. The absence of millets and some other cereals is to be noted, but does not prove anything; for the presence of barley in the list indicates the conditions necessary for the growth of all these. The 24 species fall under the following nine Natural Orders :— I. Leguminosse ... (1) Dolichos biflorus. (2) Phaseolus radiatus. (3) Phaseolus mungo. (4) Dolichos lablab. (0) Phaseolus acontifolius. (6) Cieer arietinum. (7) Lens esculenta. (8) Indigofera tinctoria. (9) Abrus precatorius. (10) Pisum sativum. II. Graminese (1) Hordeum vulgare. (2) Dendrocalamus strictus. (3) Oryza sativa. (4) Saccharum officinarum. (5) Triticum sativum or vulgare. III. Cruciferse (1) Brassica campestris. (2) Brassica alba. IV. Nymphace® ... Nelumbium speciosum. V. Euphorbiacere... Euphorbia neriifolia. VI. Liliacese ... Allium sativum. VII. Piperaceae ... Piper betle. VIII. Pedalinese ... Sesamum indicum. IX. Urticace® ... Cannabis sativa. Section 3. The Locale of Sukraniti. 1. ‘ Botanical Statistics' applied to Sukraniti. The Sukra Flora consists of a little above 100 plants, of which seven have not been identified. Taking into consideration the varieties, the total number of species in Sukraniti is 93 under 40 Natural Orders. Only three of these orders belong to the Monocotyledon class, e.g., Liliaceae, Palmae and Gramineae. In numerical importance the dominant Orders of Sukra Flora are given below :— 1. Leguminosse ... 18 species. 9. Palmaceae ... ... 3 species 2. Urticacese... ... 5 If 10. Sapotacese ... 3 „ 3. Rutacere ... ... 4 11 11. Euphorbiacese ... 2 ,, 4. Graminese ... ... 4 11 12. Coniferse ... ... 2 „ 5. Combretacese ... 4 If 13. Lythracese ... 2 „ 6. Yerbenacese ... 3 11 14. Guttiferse ... 2 „ 7. Apocynacese ... 3 11 15. Ebenaceae ... ... 2 „ 8. Anacardiacese ... 3 If The habitats or ‘station ’ of the plants given in the tables in the preceding section indicate a wide range both horizontally and vertically. The ‘regions’ and ‘ zones ’ of the Sukra Flora are thus varied like those of the whole of Indian vegetation. Himalayan, Sub-himalayan, alluvial, riparian, deciduous, evergreen, arid, rocky, and littoral (seacoast), in fact, all the descriptions of Indian Flora have their specimens in Sukraniti. Their vertical distribution also ranges from sea-level to about 3,000 feet high and more. The Sukra Flora thus tells the story of the diverse meteorological, physiographical and geological features of the Indian continent, and may be regarded as more or less epitomical of Flora Indica. Many of these plants are cosmopolites, distributed, whether as indigenous or naturalised, throughout the country. Except the Pinus longifolia (sarala) which is characteristic of Himalayan Flora, the Santalum album which is characteristic of South India, and the Palmae of the hot and humid regions, the Sukra Flora does not seem to contain any characteristically local or pro- vincial specimens. If we add to these the fact that as articles of commerce for the necessaries, medicines, arts, industries, comforts and luxuries of life most Indian plants have been known in all parts of India since very early times,1 we can realise the difficulty of characterising the Sukra Flora as belonging to a particular area on the strength of the ‘ statistics ’ and ‘ physiognomies ’ of plants, and thus of ascertaining the ‘locale’ of Sukraniti from a study of the geography of its flora. The small percentage of Monocotyledons in proportion to the Dicotyledons indicates lower latitude and absence of great cold. This is according to the 1 The Charalca Sarnhita, a medicinal work of the Pre-Buddhistic times, written certainly in the Punjab, mentions Santalum album. Roxburgh in Flora Iiulica"(1874) notes the luxuriant growth of the plant in Calcutta Botanical Gardens (p. 148). reckonings of Humboldt' who determined after laborious processes that “in the torrid zone the monocotyledons are as i : 6 to the Dicotyledons, while in the temperate zone the proportion is 1 ; 4,and in the arctic 1 : 3.” This delimitation of area, however, is too wide, as it gives only one general term 'equatorial ’ for the distribution of the Sukra Flora. From the statistics of the species and Natural Orders, however, we can generalise, though still within wide limits, as to the Geography of the Sukra Flora more satisfactorily than above. For most of the species in the Sukra Flora may be allotted to the sub-tropical zone, the botanical characteristics of which are given below :a “In the sub-tropical zone the vegetation is green throughout all the year like the forests of the damp regions of the torrid zone. From the great heat of the sun palms as well as bananas grow here in the plains. ® ® * The date-palm belongs to the whole western part of the sub-tropical zone of the old world. * * * In summer* there is a tropical heat which ripens almost all the fruits of the equatorial zone, while in winter the temperature is so low that often old trees of the well-known noble tropical fruits perish. During the summer which is here at the rainy season there are cultivated rice, indigo, cotton tree, &c.; of leguminosae, species of phaseolus and dolichos ; gourds, sesamum, &c. But the appearance of the inhabited districts of this country is totally different in winter when the cereals of the north are cultivated such as wheat, barley, oats, millet, and also beans, mustards, &c. But the vegetation of the uncultivated places as well as of the cultivated soil exhibits these different characters at the different seasons; that is, in summer it resembles the vegeta- tion of the warmer zones. In winter, on the contrary, only old well-known genera belonging to the colder part of the temperate zone appear. * * * The chief plants which in summer adorn the district round Delhi with a more southern character, are Dalbergia sissoo, Acacia serissa, arabica, farnesiana, Cedrela toona and various species of Melia, Ficus, Morus, Gmelina, Phoenix, &c.” This diversity of vegetation according to seasons of the year would well explain the wide differences in the habitation of the plants in Sukraniti we have referred to at the beginning. The following general description of the physiog- nomy and topography of the countries of the sub-tt opical zone, also, fits in very well with the varied physiography suggested by the Sukra Flora:—“In all the plants we have named we perceive a receding from the equator ; there is no longer a trace of the excess of tropical forms ; but so beautiful a country, the climate of which unites the advantages of the torrid and temperate zones, will in the possession of an active nation, soon become the rendezvous of all the cultivated plants of the various zones, and even now there is grown there a variety of the 1 Meyen’s Botanical Geography (1846), pp. 278-79. 2 Meyen's Botanical Geography (1846). pp. 177 etc. The country round Delhi and from Delhi to Serampore on the Hooghly has been taken as typical of the sub-tropical 19 zone. beautiful fruits of the torrid and temperate zones, such as hardly any country can boast of.” Thus gradually narrowing the boundaries we come to the conclusion that the Flora of the sub-tropical zone may well cover the whole of Sukra Flora. We have to note also that the chief characteristic of this zone, as of the Sukra Flora, is the double aspect according as the summer or winter vegetation is most full}' displayed. In order to find out more closely the locale of this vegetation in India it now remains to apply or interpret the above hypothetical generalisation about Sukra Flora according to the facts and conditions of Indian Phyto-geography. We therefore proceed to enquire into the regions and sub-regions of India, botanically considered, according to (i) ecological evidences and (2) literary evidences. We shall then be in a position to demonstrate (1) how far the sub- tropical theory is tenable and (2) which portions of this zone are indicated. For the ecological evidences we should have to take a broad survey of Indian Botanical Geography and study the chief provinces or divisions into which the country may be divided according to the predominent types of vegetation brought on by the conditions of soil, physical features, environment and climate, &c. In the second place, the Sukra Flora would have to be allocated in one or other of these botanical provinces. The hypothesis about the sub-tropical character of the Sukra Flora would thus be incidentally verified. For literary evidences we require a historic survey of Indian liter- ature The objects are :—(1) to trace the influence of topographical and botanical conditions on the literary activities of ancient and mediaeval scholars, e.g,, to detect any clues as to the local character of the botanical references by Indian authors, and (2) to compare, contrast or connect the Sukra Flora, if possible, with the important Floras celebrated in Indian literary history, e.g., Vedic, Paninian, Charakan, Buddhistic, Kalidasic, Amarasimhan, Varahamihiran, Tantric, Pauranic, and so on, as regards geographical affinity or otherwise. 2. Ecological Evidences. In the following summary of the characteristics of Indian Botanical Geography we are giving a synopsis of the classical remarks of Dr. Hooker and Dr. Thomson in che celebrated Introductory Essay to their monumental Flora Indica. “ From the position of India, its climate (and hence its vegetation) is more generally tropical, than the latitude under which so much of it is included would alone indicate. The mountains, however, when above 4—5,000 feet everywhere present more or less of a temperate vegetation which becomes wholly temperate at greater elevations and which passes into an alpine flora over a large extent of still loftier mountain country.” The tropical character is thus the most general feature of Indian vegetation. “ The general physiognomy of the greater part of the Indian Flora probably approximates more to that of tropical Africa than to any other part of the globe, accompanying in both cases immense alluvial plains, bounded by deserts at certain points and traversed by mountian chains of moderate elevation.” The vegetation, however, does not present a dead uniformity, but is richly diversified in aspect. Thus (1) the impenetrable green jungles of Eastern Bengal, and the west coast of the Madras Peninsula contrast strongly with the drier parts of the inter- tropical zone, and still more so with the loosely-timbered districts of Central India and of the base of the Western Himalaya. (2) The tropical forests may be divided into (a) those which inhabit perennially humid districts and (b) those which are confined to regions presenting contrasted seasons of summer rain and winter drought. (3) The third circumstance which contributes to diversity in Indian Flora is the peculiar protean climate of the extra-tropical regions. These unite within themselves by a change of seasons the conditions of both tropical and more or less temperate floras. This holds true not only with regard to forest vegetation, but also with regard to annuals and perennially rooted plants with annual stems. The intrusion of tropical floras upon extra-tropical regions and loftier mountain valleys in summer, and the appearance of annual plants of the north temperate zone in the extra-tropical regions during the cold months are causes which greatly modify the vegetation of India in general aspects and character. Now, taking the more fundamental climatological forces into view, the whole of India may be regarded as constituting only one Botanical area, sub- divided for ordinary (and less scientific) purposes into tropical and sub-tropical. This is practically what Hooker and Thomson did in the Introductory Essay in 1855 ; in which, to quote from Brandis’ Indian Trees, 1 “four primary divisions were recognised, viz. i. Hindustan including the Western Peninsula from the base of the Himalaya to Cape Comorin ; ii. The Himalaya ; iii. Eastern India or India east of the mouth of the Ganges ; and iv. Afghanistan and Baluchistan.” The same thing has been done, though under slightly different names, by Hooker in the chapter on Indian Botany in Vol. I of the Indian Empire of the Imperial Gazetteer Series (1906). To quote Brandis, again, “In this admirable paper Hooker divides British India primarily into three Botanical areas, a Himalayan, an eastern and a western, the two last-named being rough- ly separated by a line drawn meridionally from the Himalaya to the Bay of Bengal. These areas he divides into nine provinces, viz., (1) The Eastern Himalaya, (2) The Western Himalaya, (3) The Indus plain, (4) The Gangetic plain, (5) Malabar in a very broad sense, (6) The Deccan in a very extended sense, (7) Ceylon, (S) Burma and (9) Malaya Peninsula.” It is in one or other of these Botanical provinces that we have to seek the types represented by the Sukra Flora. The chief difficulty arises from the fact that, though “ each one of these is distinguished from the others by the possession of some characteristic forms Pp. XV. xvi (Edition of 1906). of vegetation and more especially by the general aspect and constitution of its flora, it must not be assumed 1 that all the species of a botanical province are to be found nowhere outside its geographical limits. On the contrary, the characteristic vegetation of one province passes by insensible gradations into that of another, so th*at, owing to the absence of any sharply defined limits, their boundaries cannot be considered as more than approximative.” (A) Gujrat Flora and Sukra Flora. If individual species or orders are considered, the Sukra Flora may be more or less wholly located within parts of almost each one of these provinces. Thus in the list of Gujrat Trees compiled in Vol. XXV of Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency (1886), we get the following specimens of the Sukra Flora : (a) Fruit 'Frees. * 1. Mangifera indica. 2. Bassia latifolia. 3. Tamarindus indica. 4. Zizy- phus jujuba. 5. Feronia elephantum. 6. yEgle marmelos. 7. Carissa carandas. 8. Diospyros melanxylon. 9. Citrus medica. 10. Punica granatum. 11. Morus indica. 12. Anona reticulata. 13. Cocos nucifera. 14. Areca catechu. 15. Musa sapient um. (b) Flowers and Flowering Trees. 1. Michelia champaka. 2. Bombax malabaricum. (c) Timber Trees. 1. l'ectona grandis. 2. Dalbergia sissoo. 3. Gmelina arborea. 4. Acacia arabica. 5. Anogeissus latifolia. (d) Aroma and spice-producing Trees. 1. Santalum album. 2. Boswellia serrata. (e) Dye pigment and Tan-yielding Trees. 1. Butea frondosa. 2. Acacia catechu. 3. Terminalia bellerica. 4. Wood- fordia floribunda. (y) Other useful Trees. 1. Holarrhena antidysenterica. 2. Dendrocalamus strictus. (g) Liquor yielding Trees. 1. Phoenix sylvestris. (h) Shade Trees. 1. Terminalia arjuna. 2. Ficus glomerata. 3. Ficus religiosa. 4. Ficus bengalensis. 5- Pongamia glabra. 6. Azadirachta indica. (i) Miscellaneous Trees. 1. Balanites roxburghii. (/) Hedge Plants. 1. Euphorbia neriifolia. ’ Remarks about the Flora of the Bombay Presidency (divided into five Botanical Provinces) by Dr. W. Gray. In the above list we have altogether 39 species, out of 93 in the Sukra Flora. As the Gujrat list does not contain the cereals, pulses and other food- grains we have to deduct at least 24 from the Sukra list for purposes ot comparison. The result is that above half of Sukra Flora is represented in Gujrat, an area which, according to the Botanical divisions ot Hooker, falls within two provinces, the Indus plain and Malabar.1 (B) Bengal (Gangelic Plain) Flora and Sukra Flora. Exactly the same may be said with greater foice about the plants ot Bengal, also, which forms the humid region of the Gangetic delta and the region immediately north of it, constituting the southern sub-region of Hooker’s Botanical province of the Gangetic plain. “ The villages2 3 are usually buried in groves of mango, figs, and bamboos, with the betel-nut, palm, palmyra, phoenix and cocoa-nut.” “ The indigenous flora is much more extensive than that of the upper Gangetic plain, comprising’ all the species which grow there (except those belonging to the Egyptian or arid flora), besides many others which are not found to the north-west.” Now this inclusion of Upper Gangetic Flora within the area of Bengal means practically the inclusion of all the characteristic floras of India. For, according to the Introductory Essay, “ If we exclude this dry country flora, which just skirts the southern part of the plain, the vegetation of the Gangetic plain presents few peculiar features ; indeed a catalogue of the plants of Rohilkhand contains very few species which are not common all over India, even to the extreme south of the peninsula, in those provinces which have a similar cli- mate. * * * We have already had occasion to direct attention to the remarkable uniformity of the vegetation over large areas of India, and as our information becomes more precise, the sameness becomes more striking.” These circumstances lead to Bengal Flora being more copious, varied and epitomic of India, comprising (1) not only the characteristic vegetation of humid regions like portions of Gujrat, but also (2) the species that are more or less uniformly distributed over the whole of India, excepting only the peculiar vegetation of arid regions. The result is that Bengal alone can supply a greater percentage of the Sukra Flora than Gujrat or other areas having more or less the climate of Bengal type. And if following Botanical Geographers, we take Bengal proper along with the other sub-regions of the Gangetic provinces.as one Botanical Region, 1 See Imperial Gazetteer, Indian Empire, Vol. I, p. 163. 2 Indian Empire in tlie Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I, 183. 3 Introductory Essay to Flora Indica by Hooker and Thomson, p. 165 ; see also Re- cords of the Botanical Survey of India, Vol. Ill, No. *2. “ The Vegetation of the districts of Hughli, Howrah and 24-Pergunnahs” by D. Prain (1905). It is interesting to learn that, of the 69 species in the two lists of Sukra Flora, 44 are to be found in these two districts of Bengal alone. Cf. the lists of plants in the introductory section on Topography and Vegetation (pp. 149-168). As for the cereals and other plants, the whole Sukra Flora is represented in this small enough area. the whole of the Sukra Flora including, as it does, the deciduous, evergreen, riparian, arid, littoral, humid and other species can be without the least difficulty located in this habitat, which has an extensive area, slightly diverse geological character and the characteristic round of seasons. For this Gan- getic plain1 comprises (i) an upper region including Rajputana east of the Aravalli Hills, Bundelkhand, and Malwa north of the Vindhya range and (2) a lower, including Bengal south of the Himalayas, Orissa north of the Mahanadi, the Assam, Sylhet, Cachar, and Tippera plains. (C) South Indian Flora and Sukra Flora. About the vegetation of Southern India we summarise below the remarks of Hooker and Thomson in the Introductory Essay: “From the humid character of the Malabar climate, its luxuriant vegetation might be inferred. Hamilton tells us that it resembles Bengal in verdure, but has loftier trees and more palms : the shores are skirted with cocoanuts, and the villages sur- rounded with groves of betel-nut, palms, &c. * * * The low valleys are richly clothed with rice-fields and the hill sides with millets and other dry crops, whilst the gorges and slopes of the loftier mountains are covered with a dense and luxuriant forest. The mass of the flora is Malayan, and identical with that of Ceylon, and many of the species are further common to the Khasia and the base of the Himalaya.*' * * The whole Concan is more open than Malabar, heavy forests are rarer, many tropical Malayan forms disappear.* * * The arid flora of the Deccan, of Marvvar and Sind, however, hardly enters the Deccan.® ® * As a whole the vegetation of Carnatic is neither rich nor varied. The climate being very arid except during the north-east monsoon, the humid flora is entirely absent.* * * The climate of Mysore is much drier than that of Malabar.* * * The vegetation of Mysore, like that of the Carnatic, is rather scanty. The level surface of the tableland is frequently very barren, and the hills are often bare or covered with low scrubby jungle.* * The vegetation of the plain of the Deccan is not very different from that of Mysore. The flora is not extensive, the great drought of the hot season being- unfavourable to vegetation.” We have here the botanical features of two of the nine provinces enu- merated above comprising about the whole of South India :2 (1) Malabar in a very extended sense —the humid belt of hilly or mountainous country extending along the western side of the peninsula from Southern Gujrat to Cape Comorin; and (2) the Deccan in a very broad sense ; i.e., the whole comparatively dry tableland of the peninsula east of Malabar and South of the Gangetic and Indus plains together with the Coromandel Coast, As might be expected, such an extensive area with so diverse botanical features as to constitute two great provinces would be able to make a decent ' Chapter IV, Botany in Indian Empire, Vol. I. s Indian Empire in Imperial Gessetteer, Vol. I, p. 163. show of the specimens included in the Sukra Flora. As a matter of fact, a comparison of the Sukra list with the lists for these two provinces in the Botanical volume of the Bombay Gazetteer as well as the chapter on Botany in the Imperial Gazetteer, would show that almost all of the Sukra Flora have their homes in this whole region taken together. And yet the total strength of the South Indian Flora, even supposing that so varied characteristics can be given to any one type, does not probably come up to that of Bengal (singly considered), and not certainly to the whole Gangetic plain (including Bengal) described above as a really single Botanical area. So far as the Sukra Flora is concerned, the following specimens seem to be rare in the South: (1) Feronia elephantum (wood apple). (2) Mimusops hexandra (rajadana). (3) Pyrus communis (pear tree, arnrita). (4) Pinus longifolia (sarala, pine). (5) Juglans regia (aksota, walnut). (6) Phylanthus distichas. (7) Myrica sapida (kasthamra). (8) Diospyros melanxylon (kuddala, ebony). (9) Premna integrifolia (agnimantha). (to) Cedrus or Pinus deodara (devadaru, Himalayan cedar). (11) Flacourtia sapida (vikankata). (12) Betula bhojpatra (bhurja) (13) Boswellia serrata (sallaki). (14) Stephenia hernandifolia (patha). (15) Diospyros embryopteris (ttnduka). In the above list of 15 species, the (1), (2), (6), (11), (14) and (15) are not entirely absent from South India. The other nine are conspicuous by their absence. The two Pines, longifolia and deodara, Juglans regia, Pyrus com- munis, and the Betula bhojapatra are essentially Himalayan, and hence belong to the North Indian type. The remaining four are mainly Sub-himalayan and have their habitats generally in the dry deciduous forests of North India. (D) Indus Plain Flora and Sukra Flora. The absence of the characteristic Himalayan and North Indian species in the southern regions or sub-regions, taken separately or together, is a strong proof against the Sukra Flora being of the southern type. Similarly, we have to exclude the Indus plain, a Botanical province of North India, also from claiming the locale of the Sukra Flora For though the area is wide enough including the Punjab, Sind and Rajputana west of the Aravalli range and Jumna river, Cutch and Northern Gujrat, and repeats the vegetation of the Sunderbans at the Indus delta, the flora is less copious and richly diversified and presents essentially the features of arid, deciduous and desert vegetation. The result is, that some of the more important specimens in Sukra Flora wh ch are to be found in humid Gujrat and Bengal are entirely absent from this pro- vince. The determination of the geographical limits of the Sukra Flora, positive and negative, has been guided by both meteorological and botanical consi- derations. We have had to find out some one province from among the large Botanical Provinces of India, which satisfies both the following double sets of conditions : (1) A meteorological area which possesses both humid and arid charac- teristics, and (2) a botanical area which can command both Himalayan and plain floras. The first condition can be fulfilled by either the northern or southern region. For, meteorologically1 speaking, there are two moist regions in India : (1) the western moist region extending from the Gulf of Cambay, and (2) the eastern moist region comprising the Eastern Himalaya with a narrow strip along the outer ranges extending north-west as far as the Ravi &c. Any one of these moist regions together with a neighbouring dry and arid region, eg., the Peninsular (Deccan), and the area including Eastern Rajputana, a large part of United Provinces up to Cawnpur, &c., can well be the home of the Sukra Flora. But the second test cannot be fulfilled except by a northern region, as we have seen above. Hence, by a process of elimination, we get the northern (as well as eastern) moist region together with a neighbouring arid region, e.g., Eastern Rajputana as the natural habitat of the Sukra Flora. I he Indus Plain among the nine Bota- nical Provinces of Hooker is thus excluded as a matter of course ; the remaining portion of Northern India covering exactly the whole of the Gangetic plain, with its upper dry and lower humid regions described above, is the home of the Sukra Flora. It may be remarked here that this Botanical Province corresponds also to the sub-tropical zone (230 —340 latitude) determined independently bv the application of'Botanical Statistics’ to the Sukra Flora. 3. Literary Evidences. The consideration of literary evidences would necessarily lead to a historic treatment of the knowledge of Flora displayed by the makers of Indian literature. Such a study is expected to yield not only a Botanical Geography of India defining within approximate limits the locale of the authors and their composi- tions, but also a Botanical History of the country giving the approximate periods 1 For these meteorological divisions, see Brandis’ Introduction to his Indian Trees, p, xvii, during which certain plants began to be cultivated and naturalised in different parts of India, whether as imports from province to province or as exotics1 2 from altogether alien soils. A history of Indian Botany like that of Indian Mineralogy is thus likely to solve some important questions of Indian Chro- nology, as they are really parts of the larger history —that of Indian economic as well as political life and institutions. But, unfortunately, the landmarks of Indian literature, Vedic, Epic, Pauranik, Tantric, Buddhistic, &c., have not undergone that analytical study which may enable one to form an estimate of the progress of the Indians in the knowledge of plants and plant-life. Nor have even individual authors like Panini, Charaka, Valmiki, Kalidasa, and others been so thoroughly and search- ingly studied. The present attempt is, therefore, purely suggestive or tentative, and not at all exhaustive in any sense. There are, however, two things which should be specially borne in mind in any study of literary evidences: (1) we have to be perpetually on our guard against the fallacy of argu- mentum ex silentio ; and (2) we have to discriminate between what is purely a conventional mention or a reference to the permanent stock-in-trade preserved in floating literature which does not admit of any anachronisms and limitations of space, and what is the actual description of the sights and sounds or facts and pheno- mena in the locality or the region of experiences familiar to the author. The errors arising from a neglect of these twTo conditions cannot, however, be easily avoided in the present state of our knowledge regarding things Indian, both physical and human. A.—Vedic Flora and Sukra Flora. The Atharva Veda is famous for its references to, and hymns about, plants. The usefulness of Flora is known by the reciters of the hymns in the following respects, e.g., against injury and disease and obstruction of urine (I, 2, 3), against leprosy (I, 23), as a love-spell (I, 34I, against curses and cursers (II, 7), for victory in disputation (II, 27), against a rival wife (III, 18), for recovery of virility (IV, 4), to heal serious wounds (IV, 12), against witchcraft, and to discover sorcerers (IV, 18, 20 and V, 14, 15), against various evils, enemies and super-human foes (IV, 17, 19, 37), against fever (V, 4), to win and fix a man’s love (VII, 38) against a (woman) rival (VII, 113), etc. The following extracts give a few specimens of the floral lore in the Atharva Veda : — “The berry (pippali)* remedy for what is bruised, and remedy for what is pierced—that did the gods prepare; that is sufficient for life.’’ 1 For an account of some of these importations from Central Asia, Africa, China, Malaya, America, &c., see Prain’s Vegetation of the Districts of Hughli.-Hoiorah and 24 Per- gunnahs (L905) in the Records of the Botanical Survey of India, pp. 162-166. 2 Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 7, p. 359. 20 “ Since thou, O off-wiper (apamdrga),' hast grown with reverted fruit, rnayest thou repel from me all curses very far from here.” The amulet of udumvaraa bestows various blessings ;— “Rich in manure, rich in fruit, swadha and cheer in our house—prosperity let Dhatar assign to me through the keenness of the amulet of Udumvara. * * I have seized all the prosperity of cattle, of quadrupeds, of bipeds, and what grain (there is) ; the milk of cattle, the sap of herbs, may Brihaspati, may Savitar confirm to me. * * * As in the beginning, Thou, O forest-tree wast born together with prosperity, so let Saraswati assign to me fatness of riches.3” The darbha plant is thus described :— “ Hundred-jointed, hard to be stirred, thousand-leaved, uplifting(?)— the darbha that is a formidable herb, that I bind on thee in order to (prolong) life-time. * * * In the sky is thy tuft, O herb ; in the earth art thou set; with thee that hast a thousand joints, do we increase further our life-time.” The efficacy of the following herbs also is most eloquently dwelt upon — jcingida (XIX, 34, 35), satavara (XIX, 36), guggulu (XIX, 38), kustha (XIX, 39). The aswallha is invoked against enemies (III, 6) and the sami for benefit to the hair (VI. 30). The land is known to be the mother of healing plants : 4 “These three earths (prithivi) that are there —of them earth (bhumi) is the highest ; from off their skin have I seized a remedy.” The following is the hymn sung by Viswamitra for the increase of barley: 5 “ 1. Rise up, become abundant with thine own greatness, O barley ; ruin all receptacles ; let not the bolt from heaven smite thee. 2. Where we appeal unto thee, the divine barley that listens, there rise up, like the sky ; be unexhausted, like the ocean. 3. Unexhausted be thine attendants, unexhausted thy heaps; thy besto- wers be unexhausted; thy eaters be unexhaused ” The following plants are common to Sukraniti and Vedic Literature : 6 Ficus religiosa, (2) Ficus glomerata, (3) Zizyphus jujuba, (4) Gmelina arborea, (5) Butea frondosa, (6) Acacia catechu, (7) Phoenix sylvestris, (8) Pinus deodara (9) ffigle marmelos, (to) Flacourtia sapida, (ti) Acacia suma, (12) Bombax malabaricum, (13) Dalbergia sissoo, (14) Diospyros embryopteris (15) Ficus bengalensis. 1 Ibid, Vol. 7, p. 432. 2 Atharva Veda (Harvard, Vol. 8), pp. 1)44-46. * Ibid, pp. 947-950. 4 Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 8, p. 295. • Ibid, Vol. 8, p. 387. ” For references to plants in Vedic Literature, see Vedic. Index1 2, Vol. II, p.590. Sea also Macdonell’s Sanskrit Literature (1900), pp. 145-146, and Mr. Bijaychandra Majumdar's Vedic Names of Plants in the Kartik number of the Bengali monthly, Bhuruti (Calcutta, 1913.) Of these some are Himalayan species, some are common all-India cosmopo- lites, and others belong to the more or less dry and arid regions. The Vedic Flora thus indicates the marks of the Indus plain region and the upper Gangetic plain. So far as Sukra Flora partially coincides with Vedic Flora, the common geographical influences must be responsible for this. We have seen above that this area is a part of the larger region covered by the Sukra Flora. (B) Charaka Flora and Sukra Flora. Among the fruit-bearing plants, the following species are common to Charaka Samhita' and Sukraniti: (i) Ficus glomerata, (2) Tamarindus indica, (3) Santalum album, (4) Citrus medica, (5) Nauclea cadamba, (6) Jonesia asoka, (7) iEgle marmelos, (8) Feronia elephantum, (9) Mirnusops hexandra, (to) Mangifera indica, (n) Calophyllum inophyllum, (12) Michelia ciiampaka, (13) Phoenix sylvestris, (14) Pinus longifolia, (15) Punica granatum, (16) Juglans regia, (17) Zizyphus jujuba, (18) Azadirachta indica, (19) Myrica sapida, (20) Mirnusops hexandra, (21) Pongamia glabra, (22) Areca catechu. Among the aranyaka, the following species are common to Charaka Samhita and Sukraniti : (1) Acacia catechu, (2) Prenina integrilolia, (3) Shorea robusta, (4) Holarrhena antidysenterica, (5) Anogeissus latifolia, (6) Butea fron- dosa, (7) Alstonia scholaris, (8) Cedrela tocna, (9) Cedrus deodara, (10) Carissa carandas, (11) Balanites roxburghii, (12) Boswellia serrata, (13) Gmelina arborea, (14) Stephania hernandifolia, (15) Diospyros embryopteris, (16) Ter- minalia chebula, (17) Semecarpus anacardium, (18) Calotropis gigantea, (19) Acacia farnesiana, (20) Bornbax malabaricum, (21) Terminalia cellerica and (22) Bassia latifolia. In the above two lists we have 44 species of the 69 in the Sukra Flora, i.e., above 60 per cent. A careful enumeration of all plants in Charaka would show a higher percentage. In fact, it would not at all be erroneous if we assert that perhaps the whole of the Sukra Flora is included in the Charaka list of 500 plants divided into 50 pharmacopocial vargas or orders of 10 each. It is not safe to define the geographical horizon of the Charaka Flora, at any rate it is certain that, unlike the Vedic Flora, it cannot be assigned solely to the Indus or the Upper Gangetic plain. Cocos nucifcra does not seem to be included in the list, but Areca catechu is there, and this unmistakably points to humid, deltaic or littoral vegetation This extension of the Charaka Flora beyond the limits of the Punjab, the home of the first authors of the Charaka cycle, indicates that the whole of Northern India at any rate, if not portions of the South, must have been known from sea to sea. Regular trade in medicinal herbs, cultivation or naturalisation of those that are not indigenous, systematic exploration of forests on hills and in plains, and such like things that take Ayurvedists and druggists out of the limits of any one botanical region and make them more or less cosmopolitan, 1 For the names of plants in Charaka Samhita, see the Marathi work on the f 'ecjetable Flora of India by Dr. Panclurang Gopal (Poona, 1886), are implied in the scientific analysis and classification of the vegetable materia medicain the text-book of the Punjab masters. It must be noted also that the possibility of merely hearsay or con- ventional references and descriptions of things not personally observed or experimented upon is not unlikely, though it would be well-nigh impossible to assert this dogmatically about one or other of the Charakans, Susrutans, Vagbhatans, and Chakradattans. Certain it is that in the latter-day schools of medicine the lists became more and more conventional, mere repro- ductions from the writings of the great masters or Risis. There is, however, another important point with regard to the lists of Flora in the successive commentaries or abridgments of the medical encyclopaedias. A comparative study1 of the Indian Pharmacopaeias would show that Vagbhata, Chakradatta. Narahari Pandit and Bhava Misra, while perpetuating the tradition of their great precursors, have introduced not only new names but also new plants in the treatises prepared respectively for Western India, Eastern India, Maharastra and Madhyadesa. While therefore, we admit the existence of a conventional floating literature on medicinal plants as on other things, which, like a touch of nature converted the whole of India into a single unit, a common home of the men of letters, and imparted a family likeness and universal or all-India character to the literary productions of educated Hindusthan, we cannot rationally ignore in them the .possession, also, of a local colour and pro- vincial physiognomy which can be detected only by the patiently investigating eye of skilful observers. So far as the Sukra Flora is concerned, we see that its geography is more extensive than that of the Vedic, but less than or perhaps equal to, that of the Charaka. If we notice the flora in points which make them differ, we find that the Vedic and the Charaka are more Himalayan, while the Sukra is more humid. (C) Varaha Flora and Sukra Flora. In the Brihat Samhita of Varahamihira, botanical facts and phenomena have been recorded in three chapters. The 29th chapter deals with flowers and plants and is called Kusumalaladhyaya. The 54th is called Dagargala and deals with under-currents, both good and evil, which may be indicated by the position and growth of plants as well as by other things. The 55th chapter treats of garden- ing and horticulture and is named Briksdyurveda. The plants mentioned in these three chapters may be taken to be those most familiar to the people of Avanti (in Ujjayini) in the 6th century A.D., for that is the birth-place of Varaha. It may be possible to find out the Geography of the Sukra Flora by comparing the lists furnished in Brihat Samhita about the Ujjayini Flora with those in Sukraniti. 1 Materials for such a comparative study have been furnished by Kaviraj Birajacharan Gupta of Coochbehar State in the two volumes of the Bengali work, Vanausadhidarpa>ia, and also in his learned introduction to them. Among the trees mentioned by the Sukra authors as phalinah or fruit- bearing, almost all are referred to by Varahamihira. Only the following 16 species appear to be special to the Sukra Flora : (1) Tamarindus indica, (2) Santalum album, (3) Citrus medica, (4) Pyrus communis, (5) Myrica sapida, (6) Morus alba or Morus indica, (7)Spondias mangifera, (8) Pinus longifolia, (9) Juglans regia or aleurites moluccana, (10) Mimusops hexandra, (11) Pongamia glabra, (12) Garcinia xanthochymus, (13) Diospyros melanxylon, (14) Phyllan- thus distichas or Anona reticulata, (15) Areca catechu, and (16) Cocos nucifera. Here also one must not be blind to the argwnentum ex silentio. Mere silence of Varahamihira does not point to any plants being unknown or at any rate unfamiliar to him and his countrymen. Thus among the species men- tioned in Sukraniti there are some which are indigenous to, or may be cultivat- ed and naturalised in, all parts of India, and there is no reason why these should be peculiar to the Sukra Flora and not have been mentioned in the Ujjayini Schedule. Such cosmopolite species are (i) Tamarindus indica, and (2) Phyl- lanthus distichas or Anona reticulata. Compared with Ujjayini Flora, the pecu- liarity of Sukra Flora is thus more apparent than real. There remain now 14 species peculiar to Sukra Flora, and this in a list of 35. A further process of elimination is necessary to find out how far the Sukra Flora differs from the Ujjayini Flora. The seven species Santalum album, Citrus medica, Pinus longifolia, Areca catechu, Myrica sapida, Mimusops hexandra, Pongamia glabra and Juglans regia have a place in the Charaka Flora of earlier times. There is no special reason why these should not have been included, at least conventionally, in the Ujjayini list as well, like the cosmopo- lites we have just referred so. The peculiar species of the Sukra Flora are thus reduced to six only : (1) Pyrus communis (amrita)—rare. (2) Morus alba or indica (tuda) (3) Spondias mangifera (amra). (4) G arcinia xanthochymus (tamala). (5) Diospyros melanaxylon (kuddala). (6) Cocos nucifera (narikela) Among the Ardnyaka (wild) and kantakina (thorny) species mentioned by the authors of the Sukra cycle, the following have not been mentioned in the Brihat Samhita : (1) Tectona grandis, (2) Acacia arabica, (3) Garcinia xan- thochymus or Cinnamomum tamala, (4) Holarrhena antidysenterica, (5) Cedrela toona, (6) Cedrus deodara, (7) Flacourtia sapida, (8) Carissa carandas, (9) Betula bhojapatra, (10) Strychnos nux-vomica, (n) Capparis aphylla, (12) Boswellia serrata, (13) Gmelina arborea, (14) Stephania hernandifolia, (15) Terminalia chebula, (16) Acacia farnesiana. Here, again, we have to note several cosmopolite species which might be included in the Ujjayini list : (1) Tectona grandis, (2) Acacia arabica, (3) Holar- rhena antidysenterica, (4) Carissa carandas, (5) Acacia farnesiana. Thus we have altogether only n species which seem to be special to Suk- raniti; and this in a list pf 34. Here, again, by comparing Charaka,1 Ujjayini and Sukra Flora we have to eliminate six species from the 11 as special to the last. These are Cedrus deodara, Cedrela toona, Boswellia serrata, Gmelina arborea, Stephania her- nandifolia and Terminalia chebula. Thus we have only five species left as peculiar to the Sukra Flora: (1) Garcinia xanthochymus (Tapinchchhaor tamala). a (2) Flacourtia sapida (vikankata). (3) Betula bhojapatra (bhojapatra). (4) Strychnos nux-vomica (visamusthi) (5) Capparis aphylla (kariraka). I n the Varaha list we find that more than 50 per cent, of the Sukra Flora have been actually mentioned. Adding to them the plants that are very common to all parts of the country, and also those which must have been known to Varahamihira, since they have been familiar even to the Charakans of pre- Buddhistic times, we have left a very small residue that is peculiar to Sukra Flora. It thus appears that all the Flora mentioned in Sukraniti indicate an age far removed from the days of Islamic and Portuguese influences. On the strength of botanical evidences, other things remaining the same, there can be no objection to placing the Sukraniti during the period indicated by the farthest limit Charaka, and represented by the important land-mark of the sixth century A.D., the Brihat Samhita. The close coincidence of Varaha and Sukra Flora leads to another im- portant conclusion. This is about the locale. We have seen that the Charaka Samhita, being a medical work, had necessarily to be more all-India, ency- clopaedic and universal, so far as the vegetable kingdom was concerned. The Geography of the Charaka is therefore wide as a matter of course. But Vara, hamihira, who was writing a treatise to guide the rulers of men, might be ex- pected to be more local and address himself naturally to the needs of his own patron Bhoja, Vikramaditya? of Malwa, The chapters on agri-flori-horticulture in the Brihat Samhita constitute most probably a section dealing with the Flora Malwensis of the 6th cent. A. D. The absence of Pinus longifolia, Cedrus deodara, Betula bhojapatra and other purely Himalayan species in the Varaha list points to the local character of the Royal Botanical.Garden at Ujjayini. So also the absence of Areca catechu and Cocos nucifera determines the horizon of Varaha Flora. The Varaha Flora is thus a local Ujjayini collection and repre- sents the Upper Gangetic sub-region of Hooker’s Botanical Provinces. 1 See the list of Plants in Charaka in Vanuusddhidarpuna, a Bengali work in two volumes by Kaviraja Gupta of Goochbehar (1908-1909). Also chapter VII of Gondal’s History of Aryan Medicinal Science (1896), and Kaviraj Avinas Chandra Kaviratna’s English Translation of Charaka Samhita (1890-96), pp. 13-92, Besides the close similarity in the lists of Flora between Var&ha and Sukra, the very theory of Horti-Floriculture advocated in the treatises raises important issues regarding the time and place of Sukraniti. The two works may be com- pared on three topics: (i) planting of trees, (2) watering of trees, (3) nourish- ment of trees. According to the parallel passages and various readings in Mr. Oppert's notes, it appears that the theory of Sukraniti about watering and nourishment is found in only one text—the Bengal manuscript in the posses- sion of Dr. Ramdas Sen. Both in matter and language the Sukraniti shows evidences of quotation, incorporation, paraphrasing and adaptation from Brihat Samhita by copyists or authors who knew geographical conditions more humid and fertile than those in Varaha’s place. This has been described in a subsequent section.1 The geographical limits common to Vedic, Charaka, Varahamihiran and Sukra Floras comprise the Upper Gangetic plain, as they include definitely the Malwa regions. The Sukra Flora, therefore, covers this tract together with the northern regions of Himalayan flora and the south-eastern regions of the Lower Gangetic or Deltaic flora. (D) Kalidasic Flora and Sukra flora. The Flora of Kalidasa in the 18 cantos of Raghuvamsam from the nature of the case is an epitome of the Flora Indica known to the world of letters in his days. Like the Rdmdyanam and Maliabharatam and many of thePuranas, the Raghuvamsam is an intensely national epic, the embodiment of Hindu India, of its ideals and ambitions, and covers the Geography, Zoology, Botany, Ethnology, and History of Hindusthan from Pragjyotisa on the east to the land of the Parasikas on the west, and from the territory of the Kiratas on the North to the island of Ceylon on the south. The Raghuvamsa Flora is, therefore, no touchstone of the Sukra Flora as to its geography, though historically speaking, it supplies a good catalogue of plants, like that in Brihat Samhita, which were indigenous to and cultivated in India during the period between Hellenistic and Islamic influences. But the Meghaduta of Kalidasa in which the cloud has been entrusted with message from a spot in Central India (Vindhyas) to a city on Mount Kaildsa in the Himalayas is more restricted in its botany. “ In the first-half of the poem the Yaksa describes'2 * * * Mount Amrakuta on whose peak it will rest after quenching, with showers, the forest fires ; the Narmada winding at the foot of the Vindhya Hills; the town of Vidisa (Bhilsa) and the stream of the Vetravati (Betwa); the city of Ujjayini in the land of Avanti; the sacred region of Kuruksetra ; the Ganges and the mountain from which she sprang, white with snow-fields ; till Alaka on mount Kailasa is finally reached.” As might 1 See Sukra IV, iv, 92-93, 105-106, 107-108, 110 112, also p. 237 of Oppert’s edition for various readings. Vide Brihat Samhita LV, 9, 12, 16, 17. 2 Extract from Macdonell’s Sanskrit Literature quoted by Mr S. C, Sarkar, M.A., of the Provincial Civil Service in the introduction to his English versical rendering of Meghaduta (City Book Society, 1906). See this work for the interesting geographical and botanical notes collected from the researches of Indian and European Scholars. be expected, the Meghaduta Flora is more extensive than Varahamihiran, as it covers the whole ground of mid-Aryavarta in the longitudinal direction and includes the latter as only one of the types represented in it. The Himalayan flora has a special place in it, as the whole Second Book of the ‘Cloud-Messenger ’ is devoted to a description of the city on Alaka. But the eastern humid and littoral vegetation is entirely lacking in it. The 31 species enumerated by Mr. Manamohan Chakravarti1 as constitut- ing the Meghaduta Flora thus comprise the Malwa (Varahamihiran) and Himalayan Flora, but exclude the Lower Gangetic. The Sukra Flora coincides in one of its aspects with this whole flora of Meghaduta, but in another respect goes beyond its limits. The Geography of Sukra vegetation therefore includes that of Megha- dutam, i.e., mid-Aryavarta as a sub-region, and Eastern Aryavarta as another sub-region, but falls short of that of the Raghuvamsam which includes also the India south of the Vindhyas. 4. Concluding Remarks. We have tentatively determined the Geography of the Sukra Flora by three independent evidences: (1) Botanical Statistics proves it to be ‘sub-tropical.’ (2) Ecology (including Meteorology and Phyto-geography) proves it to be ‘ Gangetic,’ according to the nomenclature of Hooker. (3) Literature or Comparative Botany proves it to be less Himalayan than Vedic and Charaka (and perhaps Meghaduta), less encyclopaedic than Raghuvamsam, more Himalayan than Varaha, more extensive than Varaha as including (1) Himalayan and (2) Deltaic, more extensive than Vedic and Meghadutam as including Deltaic, and probably co-extensive with Charaka. The Vedic Flora represents Indus Plain Province (Punjab, Sindh, etc.), the Charaka, though the work of an inhabitant of the Indus Plain, rep- resents the flora of both the Indus and the Gangetic Plains (of Hooker), as well as of the Himalayas, i.e., the whole of Northern India, Varaha Flora represents Malwa and the Upper Gangetic sub-region, Raghuvamsam represents the Flora lndica according to the conditions of Poetic Art, and Meghadutam represents the Upper Gangetic sub-region together with a portion of the Himalayas. The Sukra Flora thus represents the Upper Gangetic plain, Himalayan regions as well as the humid deltaic and littoral sections of Eastern India. As for chronology, literary history proves the Sukra Flora to be 1 Quoted by Mr. S. 0. Sarkar in ttie Notes to liis English Meghaduta. Mr. Chakravarti takes Lodhra to be Bassia latijolia. Really it is Symplocus racemosa, while madhalta would be Bassia latifolia. See Griffith’s Specimens of old Indian Poetrg (Panini Office, 1914) for the whole poem in English verse. Islamic1 * and does not prevent it from being at least as old as Charaka. Now Pre-Islamic means the period as late as the 8th century in Sindh, ioth century in the Punjab, 11th century in Kanauj (Upper Gangetic Plain) and 12th century (>*93 A.D.) at Pataliputra and Gauda (Lower Gangetic plain). But, as our geography does not take us beyond the botanical limits of the Gangetic plain, the Sukra Flora may be placed at any period between the 6th eentury B.C. and 12th century A.D. And if the fact of incorporation and adaptation front Var&hamihira be admitted, both the Sukra Flora and the Sukra authors (at any rate, the Eastern copyists of Sukraniti) have to be placed after the 6th century A.D. Section 4. Forestry. (a) Non-economic. The Forests are important items in Indian social economy according to the authors of the Sukra cycle. The third and fourth stages or asrcimas of Hindu life called Vanaprcistha and Yati or Sanyasa respectively have to be spent in the forests.3 There are elaborate rules in all Smriti Sastras regarding this retiring to, and life in, forests. The Vanaprastha stage is compulsory on all the four castes, but Yati on Brahmanas only. The function of men in the third stage is to restrain passions and activities, and in the fourth is to try to attain salva- tion. Forests are the resort of people for non-Sastric motives also. Among the general rules of morality we are told that one should prefer life in a forest3 1 It would be interesting to study the history of cultivated plants in India. Such a work should be divided into two branches : (1) Geological—giving an account of the various elemental forces that have led to the existence of Malayan, Chino-Japanese, European, African and even American species in India, and (2) Historical—recording the successive efforts by which Chinese, Persian and European plants have been naturalised in India. Thus we know that tobacco and potato are very modern introductions due to the Portuguese (and other European) nations. So also the Mussalman Emperors were great patrons of Economic Botany, especially of Fruitery. We read in the Ayeen Akbari [Glawdin’s Translation (1783), Vol. 1., pp. 92-99] : “His Majesty is exceedingly fond of fruit; and by the great encouragement that he has given to the cultivation of fruit-trees, skilful people have come with their families from Persia and Tartary, and settled in this country.” See Watt’s Dictionary of the Economic Products of India and Dymock’s Vegetable Materia Medica of Western India, for the history and uses of Indian plants. Cf. also, “ Opium was first introduced into this country from Arabia. Its spread in India is synchronous with the advent of the Mahomedans who had adopted it as a suitable substitute for fermented liquors, which their religion discountenances. Some more drugs which happened to be introduced into India during the Mahomedan rule are :— Alu {P minus bocurieusis), Badian (Illicium unisatum), Banfasha (Viola odorata), Gaozban (Onosma bracteatam), etc." — History of Aryan Medical Science by the Tkakur Sahib of Gondal, pp. 125-127. (Edition, 1896). 3 Sukra IY, iv. 1-5. 5 Sukra HI, 576-577. 21 to being dependent on others. Then the exile of Rama in a forest* 1 * by I)asa- ratha’s command also points to the forest being a resort of men. There are also persons who retire to forests11 after knowing of complaints against them. The law enjoins that the king should summon such people to the court to answer the charge. The law of the realm has to provide for several classes of cases pertaining to forest. Thus if a bound-down man violates the limitations imposed upon him when crossing a forest3 or going through a difficult region, he is not guilty and should not be punished. So also in the cases of offences committed in forests4 i.e., inaccessible regions where human evidences, e.g., witnesses, &c., are not easily available, Sukracharyya ordains that divine Sadhanas or ordeals should be resorted to. Then again among the several instances of trial by peers we read that " foresters6 are to be tried with the help of foresters.” The existence of both religious and legal regulations points to forests being important topographical features of the country of Sukracharyya. So they are; for among the general rules we read that (i) one should not visit solitary forests,0 unoccupied houses, and cremation grounds even by day, and (2) one should always travel with companions, and while travelling, should not take rest on roads or in forests.7 That forests are familiar sights to the authors of the Sukra cycle would be evident from the characteristic analogy drawn by them in the following lines. “ One should bring to bay or discipline, by the hook of knowledge, the elephant of the senses which is running to and fro in a destructive manner in the vast forest6 of enjoyable things.” The statesmen of the Sukra cycle, therefore, are judicious enough to devise ways and means for utilising the forests, in order to promote the pros- perity and importance of their state. They have prescribed hunting excursions among the functions of the king. “ He should sport with tigers, peacocks, birds and other animals of the forest,9 and in the course of the hunting should kill the wild ones.” The Arlhasaslra1 0 of Kautilya is more explicit on the point. We read that Chandragupta had a hunting forest exclusively for his own use. It was provided with only one entrance and had a canal running round it to ward off intrusion. Inside were planted fruit-trees, thornless trees, &c. There roamed at large not only the wilder games, but also some of the wilder ones, deprived of their natural offending weapons. * * * Besides the imperial hunting forest, there was another public forest thrown open to all persons willing to hunt.” The forests are, like mines, important sources of Government revenue accoiding to the financiers of the Sukra cycle. The Sumantra or Finance 3 Sukra IV, v. 214-215. * Sukra IV, v, 210-211. 4 Sukra IV, v, 509-11. * Sukra IV, v, 44-45. 1 Sukra II, 63. 0 Sukra III, 60. 1 Sukra III, 124. 8 Sukra I, 193-194. 9 Sukra I, 665-606. 10 Law’s Studies in Hindu Polity. minister has to take a census 1 of the forests and study the income accruing from them. The forests have been utilised by the Sukra statesmen for military pur- poses also. Among the various classes of forts we have the vanadnrga or forest fort,a which is encircled by huge thorns and clusters of trees. This type of forts is superior3 to that which is surrounded by ditches and also that which is protected by walls of bricks, mud and stones. It is, however, inferior to the desert-forts, water-forts and hill-forts. Then an important division of the army seems to consist of people living in forests, who ordinarily are independent and do not perhaps acknowledge the suzerainty of the ruler. The king should, however, be sagacious enough to make use of them for his military defence. The section of the army composed of such recruits is called sadyaska4 i.e., new or raw, as opposed to the mania, i.e., standing or permanent. It is also called cigulmaka i.e., one which is not officered and divided into regiments by the state, but brings its own officers and fighting apparatus. The Kiratas and people living in forests who are dependent on their own resources and strength constitute this division of the state army. It is one of the counsels of diplomacy to try to win over these forest tribes to one’s side by hook or by crook. “ Peace should be made even with anaryas,5 for otherwise they can overpower the ruler by attack ; ” whereas, on the contrary, if the ruler be wise enough to grant them timely concessions, reward, &c., they may stand him in good stead in times of emergency by making the enemy’s progress impossible. " Just as a cluster of bamboos cannot be destroyed if surrounded by thick thorny trees, so the ruler should be like a bamboo surrounded by clusters.” Such foresters as enter Government service or are otherwise useful to the king should have quarters reserved for them just outside the city limits.® The economic importance of forests now remains to be considered. They are the sources of fuel, fodder, grass and timber. According to the Sukra states- men the king should lay siege7 to the enemy’s country from such a position as to destroy “ carefully the people who help the enemy by carrying wood, water and provisions.” The military manoeuvres and tactics should also be dilatory and spread over a long period of time —in order that “ provisions of the enemy may be cut short and food and fuel diminished.” Again, “ the power- ful should coerce the enemy by stopping the supplies of water, provisions, fodder, grass, &c„ in an unfavourable region.” Not only in warlike operations but also in the normal functions of states, Sukracharyya recognises the value of forests in the ordinary secular life of (, • , Antyajas ,, 2 ,, ,, ,, There are various kinds of soils with varying degrees of fertility and access to market. The Sukra financiers recognise the consequent variation in Agricultural Returns and have apportioned the Land Revenue in an equitable manner. The following land-laws are what we get about rents, revenues, tenures, &c., affecting the agricultural population of the country : (i) The king should receive rent9 from the peasant in such a way that he be not destroyed. It is to be realised in the fashion of the weaver of the garland who, in plucking flowers from plants, takes care that the stock be not exhausted, and not of the charcoal or fuel merchant who destroys the wood altogether. 1 Sukra IV, iv, 51. 6 Sukra IV, v, 618. 2 Sukra IV, iv, 85-87. ° Sukra IV, v, 614-17. 5 Sukra IV, v, 206-207. 7 'ukra IV, v, 585-87 ; IV, v, 74-77, 4 Sukra IV, v, 35-37. 8 Sukra IV, iii, 38-30. 11 Sukra IV, ii, 222-23. See also Sukra I, 418-10, where the systems of laud-measure- ment according to Manu and Prajapati are compared. Cf. again Sukra II, 345-346. (2) That agriculture1 is successful which yields a profit twice the expenditure (including Government demand) after duly considering variations in actual produce. (3) The king should realise2 (a) one-third from places irrigated by tanks, canals and wells, (b) one-fourth from places irrigated by rains, (c) one-half from riparian soils, and (d) one-sixth from barren and rocky soils. (4) Jf people3 cultivate new lands and dig tanks, canals, wells, &c., for their good, the king should not demand anything of them till they have realised profit twice the expenditure. (5) Income of the State from Land or Land Revenue is called Parthiva4 Income (terrestrial). This is various according to the sources, e.g, natural waters, artificial waters, villages, cities, &c. (6) The king should give to each cultivator the deed of rent6 having his own mark or seal. (7) The apportionment and realisation0 of land-revenue are to be managed in the following way : (a) Having determined the land-revenue of the village the king should receive it from one rich man in advance, or accept a guarantee for the payment of that in monthly or periodical instalments ; (b) Or the king should appoint officers, called gramapas, by paying one- sixteenth, one-twelfth, one-eighth of his own receipts. (8) If necessary, the king should set apart lands and build houses for peasants.1 (9) It is one of the functions of the Sumantra 3 or Finance Minister to study the amounts of land, in cultivation, and out of cultivation, to know the realisers of rent and the amount realised, &c. In the preceding sketch we have given all that can be gleaned from Sukraniti about cultivation, irrigation, out-turns, Government demand and the agricultural class. We shall now proceed to notice the various plants that have been mentioned by the Sukra authors in the course of their work as distinguished from the fruit-bearing and thorny trees enumerated together, as well as their domestic, industrial or artistic uses which have been recorded in the treatise. Grains are important like the noble metals, precious stones, &c., and should be hoarded in the treasury. It is one of the duties of the king to study the amounts with the chief of granaries for four9 muhurtas before meals. These are important belongings of the state and require a department or an officer all (b) The Crops- 1 Sukra IV, ii, 224-26. 2 Sukra IV, ii, 227-30. 3 Sukra IV, ii, 242-44, 4 Sukra II, 668-70. 6 Sukra I, 423-424. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 247. 7 Sukra IV, ii, 248-52. 8 Sukra II, 207-10. Sukra I, 561-62. I Muhurta=48 minutes. to themselves. He is called dhanycidhipaHis function is to know* of the species, measurements, values, essential characteristics of the grains, as well as the methods of consuming, collecting and cleansing them. It is to be noted that winnowing of grains is a ka/a or an art, and those who practise it should he maintained by the state.1 * 3 The following are the rules4 for the collection and accumulation of grains and provisions: (t) They should be sufficient to meet the wants of three jTears, or more. (2) Only those grains are to be stored up which are well-developed, bright, best of the species, dry, new, or have good colour, smell and taste, the famous ones, durable and dear. (3) Those grains which have been attacked by poisons, fire or snows (hima) or eaten by worms and insects or those that have been sucked hollow should be used for immediate consumption and not laid by for future use. (4) Every year there should be new instalments to replace those that have been consumed. It is evident that the superintendent of the granary is to have such qualifications as will enable him to help the king in discriminating the good ones from the worthless. Like the superintendents of metals and gems who are to be well up in Economic Mineralogy, the officers of the granaries are to be proficient in those branches of Economic Botany which deal with the food-grains, cereals, domestic crops, &c , especially with regard to their life-history, diseases, enemies, &c. It is to be understood that the grains are stored up not only for ordinary uses in the royal household, but also for the commissariat in times of war. “The king should have forts' well-provided with war materials, as well as grains, &c.” We have already noticed the importance Sukracharyya attaches to grains in warfare.f “From the manoeuvre of asana or besieging, the king should destroy carefully those people who help the enemy by carrying wood, water and provisions ; and subjugate the enemy through protracted processes by which provisions are cut short, food and fuel are diminished and the subjects are oppressed.’’ We read also : “ The powerful should coerce7 the enemy by stopping the supplies of water, provisions, fodder, grass, &c., in an unfavourable region and then extirpate it.” Besides these references to grains in connexion with the state treasury, royal household, and military operations, there are others which relate to economic interests of people. Thus we have the ruling about joint stock enterprise9 in grains, as in metals, &c. Again, like the man who counterfeits coins, the man who destroys grains is said to commit an offence that is called 1 Sukra II, 239. 3 Sukra II, 313-14. 3 Sukra II, 408-9. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 50-59. 5 Sukra IV, vi, 23-24. " Sukra IV, vii, 570-73. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 710-41. e Sukra IV, v, 614-18. Rajajneya or cognisable by the state as against itself, even without any plaintiff. J his is one of the 22 cases' enumerated by Sukracharyya as coming under crown vs. defendants. i. The Cereals. (a) Vrihi. Vrihi (oryza saliva)2 is used in rubbing the oyster-pearl soaked in hot saline water during a whole night in order to test if it is genuine or one of the artificial commodities, e.g., those manufactured by the people of Ceylon. Rice® is one of the ingredients used in determining the guilt of an offender by Divya sadhana, or divine test. The man has to chew without anxiety or fear one karsa amount of rice. The rice-ordeal would declare a man guilty who in chewing the rice experiences difficulties, through palpitation of heart or want of salivation. This ordeal is to be applied in a case involving theft of Rs. 125.* There is a law also that the king should not receive milk of cows, &c., for his kith and kin, nor paddy6 and clothes from buyers for his own enjoyment. (b) Godhuma. Wheat (Triticum vulgare) has been mentioned only once. The iron-sheet of which the kavacha or armour has to be made should have the thickness of a grain of wheat.® “ This cereal7 is essentially a crop of the warmer and drier parts of the temperate zone; but its limits of growth are wide, its varieties being adapted to nearly all climates. In India it is always grown in the cold weather, most extensively in the north and hardly at all in the south.” In Prof. Guha’s Bengali translation of Greek Fragments of Megasthenes vve read of Strabo quoting from Eratosthenes to enumerate some of the cereals and pulses of India sown in the rainy season and winter, and remark that wheat, barley and other crops are unknown to the Greeks (Strabo, XV. i, 13.) Mr. Schoff thinks (p. 76) that wheat was introduced into India from Egypt. But accordin'’' to Mr. Jayaswal, the evidence of language is against this view. It came from Persia, or from Mesopotamia (one of its wild homes) through Persia. Its name in India (Godhuma) is identical with that in Persia (Gaudum). Wheat does not figure in Hindu ceremonials, where barley flour and grains are employed. The former is certainly a late introduction. Mr. Schoff’s view was started by Candolle in his “ Origin of Cultivated Plants." The section 011 Habitat and History of wheat in Watt’s Dictionary 0/ Economic Products, Yol. VI, Part IV (p. 90-91), summarises Candolle’s remarks. The Editor's remarks are also very valuable : “There is thus very nearly as strong presumptive evidence in favour of India being the home of some of the forms of wheat as can be shown for any other part of the o-lobe. * * * India possesses perhaps as comprehensive a series of time-honoured forms of wheat as can be shown for any other country. Most of these have been grown for countless ages on very nearly the same fields as they are to be found at the present day.” 1 Sukra IV, v, 165-166. 8 Sukra IV, v, 470-71, 483. 2 Sukra IV, ii, 126-128. 4 Sukra IV, v, 487-90. 5 Sukra IV, ii, 253-54. The reader is requested to read the translation of these lines as given here on p. 149 of Vol. XIII of the Sacred Boots of the Hindus Series. • Sukra IV, vii, 432-33. t Indian Empire in the Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol. III. p. 29, (c) Yava. Yava or barley (Hordeum vulgare) is the third cereal mentioned in Sukraniti. It constitutes one of the best articles1 of horses’ food. It is also one of the substances which are to be cooked with water for application to trees whose fruits wither up through disease.4 The powder of yava should be kept together with other grains and beef as well as water for seven nights. The application of this water also conduces to the growth of trees in flowers and fruits.3 (d) Pulses. The pulses have been mentioned by the Sukra authors in connexion with the food of horses. Thus we read that barley and chanaka4 (gram or Cicer arietinum) constitute the best food for horses ; masa (black gram or Phaseoltis radiatus) and makustha (Phnseolus acontifolius or kidney bean) constitute second class food ; and masura (lentil or Lens esculenta) and mudga (green gram or Phaseolus mungo) are inferior stuff. Besides these five pulses, we have harimantha8 (peas or Pisum sativum) in the following line. : “The horse should be given hariman/has, mdsas and makusthas, both dry and wet, as well as cooked meat.” The seventh pulse mentioned in Sukraniti is kulutha6 (horse gram or Dolichos biflorus). Like barley, it is one of the substances used in the prepara- tion of the manure that operates against the tendency of trees to have their fruits withered up, and promotes the growth of healthy flowers and fruits. The other pulses which may also be thus used ar& Phaseolus radiatus and Phaseolus mungo. (e) No Sak/u. Saktu has been mentioned also as a food for horses.’ “ The horse shouid, after work, be fed upon sugar and Saktu mixed with water.” Also, “ the horse should be made to take milk, ghee, water and saktu." This Saktu is powdered preparation of Cicer arietinum and other pulses or hordeum vulgare, &c. One other pulse has been referred to. That is nispdpa (Dolichos lablab). The two nostrils of an image are to be beautiful like the nispdpa9 legume. (/) Oil-seeds. White mustard seeds* 7 8 * have been mentioned as representing one of the many shapes of feather-rings which are auspicious marks of horses. One of the 64 kalds is the extraction of oil from seeds.10 We are not told which seeds. The use of oil for the body is referred to in the following : “ The man who appears before the king in the act of rubbing oil11 commits the'offence called chhala. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 285. 2 Sukra IV, iv, 107-108. 3 Sukra IV, iv, 110-112. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 285-80. 5 Sukra IV, vii, 272-73. G Sukra IV, iv, 107. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 270-71, 282. 8 Sukra IV, iv, 224. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 159-161. 10 Sukra IV, iii, 187. 24 (q) Tila. Tila1 * (Sesamum indicum) is, like the cereal yava and the pulses, phaseolus radiatus, and phaseolus mungo, and dolichos biflorus, an ingredient to be used for the preparation that conduces to the growth of trees in flowers and fruits. It may be used in two ways either (i) by being cooked or (2) by being powdered and mixed with beef, cold water, &c., and kept undisturbed for seven days and nights. The flower of the plant is very straight ; and the nose of images® is to be like it, if straight, or like the bill of birds, if curved. The following interesting note is taken from Birdwood’s Handbook to the Indian5 Court at the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1878: “The phrase Open Sesame is from the Indian oil seed, til, or sesamum indicum, the cultivation of which was carried in the earliest ages into Mesopotamia and Egypt, where it became known under the name of Semsen ; and ‘ open Sesame ! ’ is equivalent to ‘Bring in the candles,’ * Light the gas’; bring light, which opens everything, which neither wheat nor barley could give Cassim, but only the oil seed Sesamum.” Mustard (Brassica campestris) has been referred to as the specimen of very small substances. “To the good man even a very insignificant benefit rendered appears very high, while the wicked man considers a service even less in amount than a mustard seed to be huge.’’4 ii. Other Plants. (a) Sugarcanes. Sugarcanes6 (Saccharum officinarum) are the plants which give rise to one of the sixty-four kalas. The following is taken from Birdwood’s Paris Exhibition5 (1878): “ Sugar was introduced into Europe by the Saracens and through the Crusades. * * * All the European names for Sugar are derived from Sanskrit Sliarkara, through the Arabic Shakar, the Hindu name of sugar. * * * Undoubtedly sugar was made from time immemorial in India. * * Nearchus quoted by Strabo (XV. 1, 20) says that in India ‘reeds yield honey, although there are no bees.’ (b) Bamboos. Bamboos1 (Dendrocalamus strictus) also give rise to a kala—the prepa- ration of vessels with leaves and straws of the plant. Bamboos are known to be one of the sources of pearls.8 It is also stated that the king should win over the forest tribes to his side, and be like bamboos® surrounded by clusters of thick thorny trees. (c) Tula or Cotton. Cotton (Gossypium herbaceutn) has been referred to twice to serve the purpose of analogies for light insignificant substances. “ The untrained, inefficient and raw recruits are like bales of cotton.10 The wise should appoint them to other tasks besides warfare.” Again, “ The king cannot be restrained by the councillors, for they are his servants, just as the elephant cannot be bound by thousands of bales of cotton.”11 1 Sukra IY, iv, 107-1(8, 110-112. 3 P. 24. * Sukra IV, iv, 223. 4 Sukra III, 619-20. ‘ See pp. 31-33, for the interesting history of sugar in both East and West. 0 Sukra IY, iii, 146. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 482-85. 3 Sukra IV, iii, 190. 10 Sukra IV, vii, 356-357. 8 Sukra IV, ii, 117-18. 11 Sukra IV, vii, 832-833. Mr. Schoff in his newly published edition of the Feriplns (Pp. 71-76) adds the following note : “Sansrkit, karpasa; Hebrew, carpas; Greek, karpasos ; Latin, carbasus—the seed- fibres of Gossypium herbaeeurn and G. arboreum (order, Malvaceae) native in India, and woven into cloth by the natives of that country before the dawn of history. The facts concerning it have been admirably stated by Mr. R. B. Handy in The Cotton Plant, a report of the U. S. Department of Agriculture, issued in 1896. Cotton thread and cloth are repeatedly mentioned in the laws of Manu, 800 B.C. Professor A. H. Sayce in his Hibbert Lectures shows ground for the belief that it was exported by sea to the head of the Persian Gulf in the 4th Millennium B.C. ; and it found its way very early to Egypt. Herodotus describes it as a wool, better than that of sheep, the fruit of trees growing wild in India. “ The manufacture of cotton cloth was at its best in India until very recent times, and the fine Indian muslins were in great demand and commanded high prices, both in the Roman Empire and in Mediaeval Europe. The industry was one of the main factors in the wealth of ancient India, and the transfer of that industry to England and the United States, and the cheapening of the process by mechanical ginning, spinning and weaving, is perhaps the greatest single factor in the economic history of our own time.” In Prof. Rajanikdnta Guha’s Bengali translation of the original Greek Fragments of Megasthenes we read of Eratosthenes referring to wool yielded by a kind of tree. Prof. Guha also mentions Herodotus as having noted this fact, and remarks that this undoubtedly points to karpasa or cotton plant. Prof. Mookerji quotes from the eighth volume of Nihon-ko-ki and 199th Chapter of Ruijukokushi, two Japanese State records, to prove that about 799-800 A.D., “Cotton was introduced into Japan through the Indians who were unfortunately carried over to that country by the black current.’’ Indian Shipping, p. 174. (d) Arka. Besides cotton, another fibre-plant has been noticed. This is arka (Calotropis gigantea), but its use in Sukraniti is for a quite different purpose. The Calotropis gigantea, the Euphorbia neriifolia, Allium sativum, Indigo- fera tinctoria, and Pinus longifolia have been mentioned as plants useful in the manufacture of gunpowder, 1 2 3 as supplying both charcoal and juice. We have already described the recipes in the section on minerals. (e) Indigo. The antiquity of Indian Indigo can be inferred from the following lines in the History of Indian Shipping (p. 91) : “ Further, according to Wilkinson, the presence of indigo, tamarind wood, &c., has been detected in the tombs of Egypt, and Lassel has also pointed out that the Egyptians dyed cloth with indigo.” (/) Betel. Among narcotic plants we have betel (Piper betle) and ganja (Cannabis sativa). The preparation and preservation of betels constitute one of the sixty-four kalasf Men skilled in the preparation of betels4 have been men- tioned among the artists and artisans who should be encouraged by the king. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 400-415. 2 Sukra IV, iii, 198. 3 Sukra II, 410-11. 4 See Birdwood’s Paris Universal Exhibition, p. 23. One of the chhalas or offences against social etiquette is known to be the act of taking or chewing betel,1 * before being presented with it by others. Betel-leaf has ever been an important item in the socio-economic life of South India. We have seen the trade in betel mentioned by Periplus. An inscription8 bearing on mediaeval Chola life (800-1100) records : “ The great men elected for the supervision of the tanks shall be entitled to levy a fine of one Kalanju of gold in favour of the tank-fund, from those betel-leaf sellers in this village, who sell betel-leaf elsewhere but at the temple of Pidari.” (g) Ganja. The ganja house has been mentioned as a generic term for taverns and resorts of people who take to spirituous liquors, intoxicants, narcotic drugs, &c. “ The king should build the ganja house3 outside the village and there keep the drunkards, and should never allow drinking of liquor in his kingdom in the day time.” No intoxicant plant has been referred to in the Sukraniti as such, but we have noticed in a previous section that Cocos nucifera, Phoenix sylvestris, &c., are such liquor-yielding plants. Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum), Poppy (Papaper somniferum), &c., have not been mentioned. (h) Lotus. Lotus or Nelmnbium speciosurn is the plant whose flowers are the favourite resorts of bees. “ The bee that has the power of cutting holes and can fly with wings, gets, however, caught within a lotus,4 * because of its desire for smell.” Lotuses,6 when newly blossomed, are favourites of the moon also. Lotus is one of the things in the hands of Visnu. “ The sattwika form of Visnu’s image is to have hands indicating blessings and courage, and possessing conch and lotus.”6 The lotus is sacred also to the gods, Sun and Ganesa. (/) Citron. Matulunguka or citron (Citrus medica) is the plant which, like lotus, is sacred to the gods.7 A fruit of this plant is to be placed in one of the four hands of Laksmi.9 (j) Rati (Abrus precatorius). Ksuma8 and rati are seeds important in measurement of metals, precious stones, &c. The standards of weights and measurements will be treated of at length in a subsequent chapter. 1 Sukra TV, v, 153-164. 7 Aiyaugar’s Ancient India p. 161. » Sukra IV, iv, 89-90. 4 Sukra I, 211-212. ‘ Sukra I, 323-324. 0 Sukra IV, iv, 296, 301-302, 275-278, 298-99. ’ Sukra IV, iv, 275-278. Sukra IV, iv, 300. ’ Sukra IV, ii, 130-144 Section 7. Botany as Science, Elementary notions of Theoretical Botany are to be met with here and there. Thus we are taught that “ inferiority and superiority1 * 3 depend some- times on the qualities of the seed, sometimes on the character of the field. But excellence is due to both.” This is all that we have of abstract Ecology. According to size and shape we have the following classes of plants, besides trees : (1) Latah,a which do not flourish without resting grounds. (2) Stambinyah’ or bushes. (3) Gulminyah.4 The trees are (1) thorny and (2) fruit-bearing ;s or (1) wild and (2) domestic. This is the sole Dendrology of the Sukra authors. All the seven parts of a plant are known and have been mentioned in the right scientific order, e. g., root, stem, branches, leaves, flowers, fruits and seeds. Thus “ the king is the root of the state, the councillors are the stems or trunks, the commanders are the branches. The troops are the leaves and flowers ; the subjects are fruits, and the lands are seeds.” Of course the fanciful analogy between the vegetable organism and the political organism is to be taken for what it is worth. It has its parallel in the fictitious analogies drawn between the body politic and other organisms by mediaeval political thinkers of Europe. The importance of the root in the life-scheme of the plant is thus indi- cated : “Just as the branches of a tree wither up when its roots* decay, so also without the king, the commanders, &c., grow powerless immediately or in course of some time.” Sukra statesmen know of only one form of political organism—the monarchical. And therefore the loss or absence of the king means a decay, if not complete revolution, of the kingdom. The root has occupied an important place in the history of Botany in the west also. ‘‘Throughout the whole period of Greek antiquity1 there was a class of men who followed as a regular business the gathering, preparing and selling of roots and herbs that were of repute in medicine. * * * It was the example of the rhizotomists, in their books of plant-description extant in the times of Aristotle and Theophrastus, that impelled Theophrastus and others after him to give the form, texture, colour, odour, flavour, as well as the active properties, when these were known, of the roots or underground part of almost every 1 Sukra IV, iv, 78-79. 5 Sukra IV, iv, 91 98. 3 Sukra I, 767. “ Sukra V, 24-26. 3 Sukra IV, iv, 123. 1 Sukra V, 22-3. 4 Sukra IV, iv, 123. 9 Greene’s Landmarks of Botanical History, pp, 48-51, plant. * * From Dioscorides and Pliny down through the middle ages and out to near the end of the seventeenth century authors in general described and figured the roots of every weed and grass and bush and tree. * * * It was Valerius Cordus, the greatest if not the only botanical genius of the first half of the 16th century, who first gave expression to the opinion, that, from the morphologic and phytographic point of view, the importance of the root had always been over-estimated. He set tbe example for a reform of descriptive botany in this particular; but, as usual with men of genius, he was a century in advance of the ideas of the multitude.” Section 8. A Preliminary Survey of Hindu Botany, i. Lines of inquiry. The data of ancient Indian Botany from the Nitisdstra of Sukracharyya have supplied us with information regarding the knowledge of the Hindus in several branches of Economic, Utilitarian or Applied Botany, e.g., Sylviculture, Horticulture and Agriculture. The authors of the Sukra cycle have mentioned also the botanical Raids or vegetable arts and industries auxiliary to Ayurveda, the Science of Medicine, but have not otherwise devoted much attention to the Medical branch of Economic Botany. We have noted likewise thac for Theoretical Botany or Botany as an abstract science, Sukraniti furnishes very few materials and has thrown out only vague hints here and there. This is inevitable, since the subject of plants and plant-life touches the province of Nitisastras solely from the utilitarian stand-point. If we take “the most extended use of the term, all information about the plant-world or any part of it is Botany.1 2 According to this view, all treatises upon agriculture, horticulture, floriculture, forestry, pharmacy, in so far as they deal with plants and their products, are botanical.” All earlier historians3 of Botany in Europe have proceeded to their work on the theory “ that for the earliest intimations of anything looking in the direction of the science of botany we must have recourse to those oldest pieces of literature in wnich plants are more or less freely mentioned. Adanson, for example, does not begin botanical history without naming Orpheus, Musa, Solomon, Hesiod, Homer, Metrodorus, and Hippocrates, who as poets or physicians wrote of plants. Sprengel has among his initial chapters one bearing the title ‘ flora Biblica,’another ‘ flora Homerica,’ another ‘flora Hippocratica. The historian of Hindu Botany may, therefore, safely look upon Vedic Literature, Charaka Samhita, the Astadhyayi of Panini, the Ramayanam, the Mahabharatam, the Jatakas, the Puranas, the Tantras, the scientific works of the schools of grammar, astronomy, medicine, and lexicon, the poetical works of Bhasa, Kalidasa and others, the Nitisastras, and other treatises of Sanskrit r Landmarks of Botanical History, Part I. By Edward Lee Greene (Published by the Smithsonian Institution, U. S. A. 1909) Preface p. 7. 2 Ibid. Chapter I. p. 20, literature as important landmarks in the history of knowledge regarding plants, and give to some of his chapters such titles as ‘ flora Vedic,’ ‘flora Charakensis ’ ‘flora Malwica,’ ‘flora Sukrensis,' and soon Botany, as a science, however, must rigidly demarcate itself from such utilitarian or poetic treatment of plants, but occupy itself with the “contempla- tion1 of plant as related to plant and with the whole vegetable kingdom as viewed philosophically in its relation to the mineral on the one hand, and to the animal on the other.” Such purely botanical studies i.e., abstract researches regarding plants as plants rather than as things useful or deleterious to man and beast, are pre-eminently modern. This would be evident from the following extracts from the articles bearing on the history and evolution of the science in Encyclopaedia Britannica :2 “Little, however, was done in the science of Botany, properly so called, until the 16th century of the Christian era, when the revival of learning dispelled the darkness which had long hung over Europe. * * * The descrip- tions in these early speculations were encumbered with much medicinal detail, including speculations as to the virtues of plants. Plants which were strikingly alike were placed together, but there was at first little attempt at systematic classification. * * * The foundation of botanic gardens during the 16th and 17th centuries did much in the way of advancing botany. They were at first appropriated to the cultivation of medicinal plants. This was specially the case at the Universities where medical schools existed. * * * Robert Brown (1773-1858) was the first British botanist to support and advocate the natural system of classification. * * * The study of plant anatomy was begun in the middle of the 17th century as a direct result of the construction of microscopes. * * * The subject was practically dormant for nearly a century and a half: it was revived by several German workers * * * at the beginning of the 19th century. * * * The pioneer of modern plant anatomy was Hugo von Mohl (1840). * * * In its systematised form, as a branch of botanical study, Phytopathology is of recent date; and, as now understood, the subject first received special attention about 1850, when the nature of parasitism began to be intelligible.3 “ One of the earliest workers at Plant Physiology4 was Hales (1727). * * * The birth of Modern Chemistry in the work of Priestley and Lavoisier, at the close of the 18th century, made possible the scientific study of Plant-nutrition * * * The department of geographical Botany made rapid advance by means of various scientific expeditions which have been sent to all quarters of the globe, as well as by individual effort since the time of Humboldt.” The above extracts regarding Systematic, Physiological, Geographical 1 Ibid. Preface, p. 7. * 11th Edition Vol. 4, p. 299. 3 Yol. XXI, pp. 740-5, 754. * Yol. IV, p. 202. and Anatomical branches of Botany,1 considered as an abstract science, show the essentially modern character of this division of human learning. Botany, as we have it to-day, is in reality only as old as the second decade of the last century. In comparing botanical ideas of the Hindus with those of the western peoples we cannot, therefore, too carefully remember the fact that these are embodied in Sanskrit treatises which are mostly several centuries older than even the crude beginnings of European scientific thought due to the Renaissance of the 16th century. Whatever be the value of Hindu botanical theories, they are well worth the attention of the historian of botanical science for a proper estimate of the mile-stones in the culture-history of mankind. The data of botany as science from Hindu literature would thus supply some of the missing links in the concatenation of diverse facts and ideas that go to make up the complex web of human civilisation. We have noticed above that in Europe botany began and grew as the handmaid of, and in subordination to, the science of medicine. The story is repeated in India also. The botanical literature of the Hindus is mainly pharmacopical, and essentially utilitarian or economic, at times poetical, scarcely scientific. And yet it is possible to glean from the vast mass of litera- ture on industrial or applied botany and horticultural recipes the really scientific conceptions of the Hindus regarding (i) Vegetative organography, (2) Antho- logy, (3) Fruit and seed, (4) Anatomy, (5) Phytography, (6) Taxonomy, (7) Nomenclature, (8) Ecology, and (9) Dendrology. Thus, according to Greene, “ there are certain rudiments of a science of botany in those ancient pieces of literature, the real substance of which those authors of botanical commentary on the Bible, on Homer, on Virgil, and the classics generally, have completely overlooked, Let me repeat it that in several pieces of very old literature there are legible traces of a science of botany.’’3 For, consciously or unconsciously, scientific botany must be as old as human history, and as extensive as the races of men. The records of antiquity3 as well as of the most untaught people of modern times afford abundant proof of the existence of organology of plants, systematic botany &c. By laborious researches into the botanical literature of antiquity, Mr. Greene has traced the evolution of Scientific Botany through the usages and rites of the rhizotomi or root-gatherers to the Hisloria Plantarum of Theo- phrastus (B. C. 370-286) whom he holds up as the “maker of the first landmark in the history of Botany,’’ and “ the discoverer and first promulgator of the elements of universal botany.’’ 1 See also the English Edition of History of Botany (1530-1860) by Prof. Sachs of Wurzburg (Clarendon Press, Oxford 1890). Book I. History of Morphology and Classifica- tion, pp. 3-13 ; Book II. History of Vegetable Anatomy pp. 219-229 ; and Book III. History of Vegetable physiology, pp. 359-76. Greene’s Landmarks (Part I) is a study of certain epochs in the Development of the Science of Botany prior to 1562. 2 Landmarks, pp. 20-21. 3 See Greene’s Landmarks, pp. 21-43 for evidences. It may be possible, by following the self-same method in the investigation of the botanical documents of Indian literature, to bring out the contributions of the ancient Hindus to the universal scientific botany of to-day. And probably Greene’s remark1 about Theophrastus may have to be applied with equal Cogency to charaka and other founders of the schools of medicine in the Pre-Buddhistic and Buddhistic ages of Indian history (6th cent. B. C.) “To me it seems not improbable that historians of the future, learning to know this great founder’s mind better than is yet known, may agree in some judgment not unlike this: that all that has been added to the under- standing of Plant life and form—to morphology, anatomy, physiology, perhaps even to taxonomy—within the last three centuries—has been due to the inventions of the opticians, and to the increased number of students and investigators, rather than to the appearing on the botanical horizon, within the modern period, of any one mind in powers of observation, penetration, and sagacity superior to Theophrastus of Eresus.” 2. The so-called “ Indian Botany ” of to-day. To do for ancient Hindu sages what Mr. Greene has done for Theo- phrastus would require (i) a knowledge of the fundamental principles of modern scientific Botany, and (2) a thorough familiarity with the several branches and landmarks of Indian Literature. Unfortunately, the trend of University Education in modern India has been to absorb the whole attention of the student-folk in mastering the technicalities of a foreign tongue; and, while it has deprived them of sound scholarship in oriental subjects, it has not equipped them with genuine mastery in any modern European science. And so far as Botany is concerned, it has until recently been grossly neglected, whether in its theoretical or economic and applied branches. The result has been a complete absence of interest on the part of Indians in things Botanical, abstract or utilitarian, modern or ancient. When Europeans began to study the plants of India, they did not naturally care to inquire into the traditions of Hindu Botany and could not at all be interested in developing what the children of the Indian soil had achieved in this department of learning in the days of yore. They came out to India as medical men, botanists, or foresters and industrialists, and found in India a rich field for applying or correcting and modifying the systematic and ecological ideas that obtained currency in Europe of the later 18th and 1 To those who would take up the historical investigation into the really scientific contributions of the Hindus in the field of Abstract Botany, the chapter on Theophrastus in Greene’s Landmarks is invaluable as suggesting not only the methodology, but also the lines of inquiry that would be required to bring into forefront the hitherto neglected pioneers of science. It is remarkable that 1 lieophrastus, whom Greene elevates to the dignity of “Father of Botany” in 1909, was only casually noticed by Hr. Sachs in his celebrated History of Botany, published in 1875, which the translator for Clarendon Press, Oxford, regardod as a “ masterly sketch” even in 1890. 25 early 19th centuries. India was to them a laboratory that supplied novel and interesting data for the inductive generalisations of a science that had been developing in Europe from Theophrastus to Linnaeus. The Botanical inves- tigations of these Europeans in India were thus new contributions to the already growing fund of European Botany and flourished absolutely independent of what the ancient Hindu masters might have observed and recorded, preserved and developed till the days of the Maratha hegemony. The terms “Indian Botany’’ and “Indian Forestry” are thus really misnomers, for they do not indicate anything beyond the fact that the rich flora lying within the geographical limits of India have been identified, named, registered, tabulated and described, botanically or economically, according to the terminology, nomenclature and taxonomy of a science that was then passing through its infantile stages. The sole interest of the pioneers of the so-called “ Indian Botany ” was identification and botanical description of the vegetable denizens of India in the interest of European science, industry and commerce. In 1790 Sir William Jones, founder and first President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, gave a discourse on the medicinal plants of India in which he clearly indicated the lines of work that should be followed by botanical explorers and writers“Some hundreds of plants, which are yet imperfectly known to European Botanists, and with the virtues of which they are wholly unacquainted, grow wild on the plains and in the forests of India. The Amara-kosa, an excellent vocabulary of the Sanskrit language, contains in one chapter the names of about three hundred medicinal vegetables ; the Medini may comprise many more; and the Dravyabhidhana or Dictionary of natural productions, includes, I believe, a far greater number ; the properties of which are distinctly related in medical tracts of approved authority. Now the first step, in compiling a treatise on the plants of India, should be to write their true names in Roman letters, according to their most accurate orthography, and in Sanscrit, preferably to any vulgar dialect; because a learned language is fixed in books, while popular idioms are in constant fluctuation, and will not perhaps be understood a century hence by the inhabitants of these Indian territories whom future botanists may consult on the common appellations of trees and flowers.”1 2 The founder of the first oriental research society in India was naturally anxious to do spade-work3 * for enriching European art, industry and science. Exactly similar were the motive and enthusiasm that inspired the Flora Indica (i855)i nionumental work on Indian Botany, prepared at Kew, under the direction of Dr. Hooker, at the chief cost of the Secretary of State for India. 1 Asiatic Researches, Vol. II. XXII. pp. '270-271. 2 Another such modern misnomer is Indian Economics, a term which does not seem to mean anything beyond the description and cataloguing of the present day economic resources and organisations of the country. In 1874 Mr. C. B. Clarke, in the Preface to the Reprint of Roxburgh’s pioneer- work1 * on Indian Plants, describes the merits of Hooker's labours which were directed mainly to a proper identification and cataloguing. “ The Kew Indian Flora is of the highest value to Botanists, it tells those in India what material there is at Kew and how the names are arranged‘ there. And it will, when finished, form the foundation on which all future botanic work in India will be grounded. After the plants have been botanically determined and the names attached, so that we are tolerably sure in general that we all mean by the same name the same thing, we may commence economic and other branches of investigation with advantage. Drs. Hooker and Thomson have rightly urged that the Botanical determination of the plants must come first before any satisfactory progress elsewhere can be made ; and Indian Botanists have been right for generations in concentrating and narrowing their work in the manner that Drs. Hooker and Thomson indicated.” Identification and Determination of Indian Plants were thus the principal objects of the founders of the so-called “ Indian Botany.” There were some investigators who were not content with mere cataloguing and botanising, but added to these a study of the economic uses of Plants, as medical drugs or otherwise. Thus, to quote Mr. C. B. Clarke again, “ Roxburgh contains all the economic Indian botany known to him. * ® ® Roxburgh is most trustworthy in his economic botany. ® ® ® The Government of India but a few years back, called on Mr. Kurz to draw up a Forest Hand Flora for Burma which should comprise (among other things) a classified account of the different sets of forests, with all the trees in each, and the plants that usually accompanied each : an account of the method and habit of growth of each tree, and an account of the quality of the wood of each, and a special account of all the species likely to prove of economic value.” In his paper3 on the study of indigenous drugs, Surgeon-Captain (now Major) B. D. Basu, I. M. S. gave an account of the work of scholars in the medical department of the economic aspects of Indian Plants from the estab- lishment of the Asiatic Society of Bengal to 1891. “ In the beginning of this century John Fleming contributed a valuable paper on the medical plants of this country. For the first time the scattered information on the subject was collected and placed before the medical profession. ® ® ® Dr. Waring, who edited the Indian Pharmacopoeia,4 was one of the most painstaking and careful observers of the properties and uses of indigenous drugs. His atten- tion was drawn to the subject when serving out in Burma. The stock of 1 Roxburgh's Flora Indian was published in 1832. - The Italics are ours. 3 Indian Medical Gazette, August, 1892. " Published under the authority of the Secretary of State for India “ with the view of bringing to the notice of the profession in India those indigenous drugs which European experience has proved to possess value as medicinal agents, and which may be employed as efficient substitutes for imported articles,” his European medicines having been exhausted, he was in great perplexity and hardly knew what to do. In such a crisis, he turned to the medicinal plants of the country. He found indigenous drugs to answer his purpose as satisfactorily as the costly imported medicines of Europe.” Enough has been said to show that, during the period from the last two decades of the 18th century, the sole aim of botanical researches in India has been (1) to study scientifically or economically the vegetation of the Indian continent, according to the accepted doctrines of contemporary European thinkers; (2) to look upon India solely as a vast herbarium supplying specimens for the scholars in the western world ; and (3) to ransack or exploit Indian vegetation in the interest of a foreign industry, commerce and science. There has been no attempt (1) to take stock of the existing Hindu literature on the subject of plants, whether as plants, or as drugs and useful commodities, or (2) to maintain and continue the studies of the ancient and mediaeval scholars of India (whether scientific or utilitarian), and develop the intellectual heritage bequeathed by them to posterity. Thus, during the period which has witnessed the growth of Botanical sciences, arts and industries from the insignificant juvenile condition (which was almost on a par with that obtaining among the Hindus) into one of immense magnitude, the genuine Indian Botany, which should have been a continuation and further development of the work of the ancestors of the present race of Indians, is not only where it was, but has been managed to be forgotten and thrown into the limbo of oblivion, from which it is today impossible and even regarded as unnecessary to rescue. The so-called ‘Indian Botany ’ of the modern times, pioneered by Europeans and collaborated at both by Indian1 and western scholars, covers really an insignificant niche in the daily-growing museum of the sciences, arts and economic products built up by the people of western countries. And Indians are left in the position of mourning over a national loss : “ When we remember how great a part Indian plants have played in contributing to the material and spiritual wealth of India, and in influencing Indian life in its manifold aspects; and when we take into consideration the important place Botany should occupy in every scheme of liberal education, not only as a particular branch of physical science, but also as the most stimulating and refreshing subject of learning, we can estimate the loss both in intellect and material wealth we have been suffering from owing to the neglect of this study. The irony of the situation is that we do not see that the study is the cheapest and 1 Important Indian names are Uclay Chand Dutt, Moodeen Sheriff, K. R. Kirtikar, T. N. Mookerji, N. G. Mookerji, Upendra Nath Kanjilal, Bhaudajee, Naraindajee, B. R. Basu, Sakharam Arjun, Lisboa, Ranade, Kanay Lall Dey, Kaviraj Biraja Charan Gupta. least expensive. To add to the tragedy, we forget that the study is also the most paying; for India is the country where worldly careers and lucrative professions can be built up on the products of the vegetable kingdom alone.”1 2 In the history of Hindu Botany, then, the whole 19th century-the period of Botany strictly so called in Europe—is a total blank. It has not only given rise to no men who could undertake independent original investigations in the scientific aspects of Plant-life, but has even produced none who could collect, summarise, and adapt or modernise the teachings of their forefathers. The practitioners in the Ayurvedic system of medicine have but kept up a tolerable second-hand familiarity with the names and uses of the indigenous medicinal plants, through the services of professional herbalists, the Musheras in Central and Upper India,® the low caste Maules, Bagdis, Pods, Chandals, Kaoros and Karanges in Bengal, and the Chandras, Bhils and Gamtds in Bombay. 3. Summary of Researches in Hindu Botany,3 Under these circumstances, it is not strange that people should entertain doubt regarding the achievements of Hindus in botanical science and the existence of such a thing as the Science of Botany in ancient Hindu litera- ture. The field is altogether untrodden, and awaits the thankless labour of patient investigators, who must be adequately equipped with the double engine of a thorough mastery of modern Botany and a general grasp of the several branches of Hindu literature. And the problem is to carefully glean from the extraneous literary, medical and economic associations, in which the plants have been mentioned by Hindu authors, the abstract ideas and purely scientific concepts, if any, regarding their life-history, morphology, physiology, habit &c. In the following pages quotations from the works on subjects more or less allied to these topics are being appended, to give an idea of the up-to-date research undertaken. (a) Gondal. The Thakur Sahib of Gondal’s History of Aryan Medical Science,4 though not the first work on the subject of Hindu medicine, contains perhaps the first treatment of Hindu Botany. The following is taken from Chapter VII, called Indian Materia Medica. The Ancient Aryans have taken the trouble to examine and study all the herbs that came under their observation, and classified them into groups or Ganas. Charaka gives fifty groups of ten herbs ' The Economic Botany of India by Prof. Bliim Chandra Chatterji (published by tlio District Council of National Education, Malda, Bengal 1910 , pp. 12-13. 2 See the paper On the Study of Indigenous Drugs By Surgeon-Captain (now Major) B. D. Basil, 1. M. S., in the Indian Medical Gazette, -July 1891. 3 See the history of mineralogical literature for the names of treatises dealing with plants and plant life. Mineralogy, Chemistry and Botany of the Hindus are to be culled mainly from their medical literature. Non-medical literature is also likely to yield genuine scientific notions, if critically studied. 4 Published by Macmillan & Co., London, 1896, Previous works are those of Drs. Wise and Udoychand Dutt. each, which, he thinks, “are enough for the purposes of an ordinary physician”, though at the same time he adds that “ the number of groups can be increased to any extent.” Similarly, Susruta has arranged 760 herbs in 37 sets, accord- ing to some common properties. Other writers have added to the list, which forms an interesting literature of the materia medica of India. They have also described the proper seasons for gathering the herbs, the period of their growth, when they possess their distinctive properties, the localities from which they should be collected, and the manner of treating them, extracting their active principles, and preserving them. Some of the groups 1 * mentioned by Indian writers are given below ;— 1. Anga marda prasamana (anti-spasmodic), as Vidarigandha (Costus speciosus) 2. Anuloma (Cathartic), as Haritaki (Terminalia chebula) Agnivesa enumerates no less than 500 classes of medicinal agents, arranged according to their real or supposed virtues in curing diseases A few classes have been selected from this and other sources and noted above. The chief notable feature in connexion with the nomenclature of the Indian plants is that in several cases their names are descriptive either of their character or of their property. A few instances of names,3 descriptive of the prominent specific character of the herb, may be given below : — (a) Brachyramphus sonchifolius is called Akhu-karni (rat-eared), as the leaves of the plant resemble the ears of a mouse (b) Acorus calamus is called Ugra-gandha (strong-smelling), because it gives off a very pungent odour. (cl) Cliloria teraatea is called Go-karni (cow-eared), from the supposed resemblance of the seeds to the ears of a cow. (d) Datura alba is called Ghantapuspa (bell-flower), from the shape of its flowers. The following are a few names 3 descriptive of the inherent virtue of the herb : — (a) Amvgdalus communis is called Vata-vairi (wind-enemy), as it cures disorders of the wind. (b) Embelia ribes is called Krimighna (worm-killer), from its anthelmin- tic properties. (c) Ophelia chiretta is named Jvarantaka (fever-ending), for it is sup- posed to check fever. 1 A list of 75 names has been given by the Tliakur Sahib. See pp. 104-110. 1 A list of 10 names has been given. See pp. 110-11. 3 A list of 10 names has been given. See pp. 111-113, (d) Semecarpus anacardium is known as Aruskara (eschar-causing), because when applied to a living part its juice gives rise to an eschar. Each successive writer, after a patient and careful investigation, appears to have added new drugs 1 2 to the existing list. Some of the writers emphati- cally assert that all curative agents mentioned in their treatises have been thoroughly tested and recommended after a long practical experience. Sus- ruta strongly recommends that physicians should be able to identify the vari- ous remedial agents they have to deal with. They should personally go to the jungles, and with the help of shepherds, graziers, ascetics, travellers and others familiar with the forest, gather the herbs when they are in flower, taking care to avoid those injured by insects, or growing in situations con- taining nests of white ants, or where bodies have been burnt or buried, or from ground in which there is much salt. Narahari Pandit (author of Raja- nighantu of the 17th century) describes the properties of different kinds of soil, the nature of soils suitable for the cultivation of various medicinal plants, varieties of trees, cereals, oils, vegetables, roots, leaves, flowers and fruits. (b) Dr. Sen. It would appear that the Thakur Sahib did not approach the subject from our standpoint, viz., the study of the strictly scientific ideas of the Hindus regard- ing "plants and plant life. However, no subsequent scholar has interested himself in the subject to any special extent, and this is all that constitutes the founda- tion of modern researches in ancient Hindu botanical studies. In his paper on the study of medical science in ancient India,3 Dr. Gananath Sen gives the following paragraph on the subject : “ In Botany, unfortunately, very scanty records have been left in the writings of Raghava Bhatta and Sarangadhara—an important section of which (Upavanavinoda) the humble writer of this paper had the honour of editing and translating some years ago. The informations contained in these books are numerous. Plants have been called stliavarajiva, or fixed animals, and pleasure and Dain have been attributed to them. (Compare in this connection the recent discoveries of Plant Response by the illustrious Dr. J. C. Bose of Calcutta). Again, plants have been called sexual and a-sexual, although the details of the sexual phase are missing. Much advance in the practical application of Botany appears to have been made. A regular symptomatology of plants has been described under the name, Briksayurveda, and the treatment of certain diseases of plants has been stated. Then, again, an interesting science of finding out sub-terranean veins of water* as the geologist calls them, has been briefly described by certain signs, which, says tradition, often come off' correct.” •See Hist, of Ar. mod. Sc. pp. 118-123, for the new drugs introduced by successive writers. The Thakur Sahib’s chronology requires to be corrected in the light of recent research, e.g., of Dr. P. C. Ray in the Historg of Hindu Chemistry. 2 Read at the Sahityu Sablut of Calcutta, September, 1906, published by the same society in 1908. 3 Cf. Chapter LTV of Brihat Samlvita, called Dagargalam. (c) Prof. Chatterjt. In the Economic Botany of India1 by Prof. Bliini Chandra Chatterji of the National Council of Education, Bengal, there are a few more details about the achievements of Hindus in the field of botanical science, with remarks as to their relative, historical and comparative values by reference to the progress of the science in Europe. His general remarks on Indian Botany are given below: “This characteristic of Indian culture1 2 that it was essentially practical, meant for and adapted to, the thousand and one duties of actual life, has made it always very comprehensive, all-embracing, and all-inclusive. Every Sdstra or Purana or Samhitd has thus become an Encyclopaedia ; * * * and, as in the physical, so in the human sciences, we search in vain for the differentiation of knowledge into various branches corresponding to the various aspects of human life. We have no Indian psychology, no Indian ethics, no Indian politics, just as we have no Indian physics, no Indian chemistry, no Indian botany, and so forth, as independent and distinct branches of learning, differentiated from the treatises on universal knowledge. '• * * * European Botany has had a far different history. * * * Not only were the main branches of learning divided among specialists for exclu- sive study ; but each of the various departments of the same branch began to enlist on its behalf the whole time and energy of special sections of the devoted men of science. Add to this the intellectual energy of Europe that became multiplied by being divided and differentiated for the furtherance of national interests and promotion of national glory (owing to the creation of national churches, national states, national literatures, and national schools), and we may form an idea of the enormous labour that has been spent ungrudg- ingly upon what is to-day a vast Botanical science, which, again, is being split up into independent sciences, distinct from one another. “But Indian Botany has claims to our recognition on absolute grounds as well, as having suggested, recognised or discovered some truths about vegetable life which are accepted by modern phytotomy and physiology.’’ In Internal Morphology we have such descriptions as those of Tinospora cordifolta (Guduchi) which is characterised as Cliakrangi, Kundali, Mandate &c, terms referring to the annular rings so prominent in the cross-section or transverse section of the creeper. Metamorphosis of leaves, descriptions of cha- racteristic leaves according to the similarities with the animal world, knowledge 1 This brochure was published by the District Council of National Education. Malda, (Bengal) in 1910 and intended to interest people in the forthcoming work on Indian Medicinal Plants (a Systematic study, along modern scientific lines, of the most important medicinal plants of India, specially those mentioned in the original Sanskrit works, and also of several other useful plants) with 1300 plates, by Lt. Colonel K. R. Kirtikar, Major B. D. Basil, Prof. Bhimchandra Chatterji and an I. C. S. The work has been in the press for some time and will be published by the PSnini Office, Allahabad, in 1915. ’Pp. 23-21. of adventitious roots &c„ may be referred to as evidences of the study of ex- ternal morphology. In physiology it must be credited to the Hindus that they know of plants as living organisms. Prof. Chatterji quotes from the Sanliparva1 * 3 of the Mahabharata to prove their acquaintance with the sap-circulation®, nour- ishment, power of movement, independent growth and reproduction of plants. “It reflects great credit on those scholars that they conceived the idea of the sexuality of plants and the truth that flowers are the organs of sexual repro- duction in higher plants —notions which were first suggested by Camerius towards the close of the 17th century and which have been demonstrated in the 18th and 19th centuries by the studies of Koelrenter, Herbart and Gaertner in hybridisation. To express this sexuality some are even expressly named as such, e.g.,yonipuspa (Cletoria termeata), lingapuspa (Nerium odorum), meaning respectively the female and the male—and these, together with such terms as vajrapuspa, menstrual blood of a certain type in Tantra, would lead to the idea that the fact of the flower being the genetive organ of tne tree was not un- familiar to them.” Phosphorescence5 and exudation4 of water were probably known. The 1 sRimmro s dsra: 1 gins w fter trs s 1 3JPZ|r1 rHM II sirs'w ssrs n Signs ^71 *i'°airi 1 srnidr qr^qi: 11 qtnjT ir??Nms Tsrnwq 1 •o o ©v tRtst: ttetpit: snR swferaRrt u tt|: gras-qisif sqrstsnsns ^sisra i ornRr-nrafatqrSTf |*t 11 sits'$rirqssi%-r nsrgr sssr^a 1 sm snshnsu nr| 11 raster s Rrrrrmra 1 din wifi s 11 JURPiTEs, semrrs 1 : Sap-circulation was discovered by Harvey in the 17th century. 3 TRSTunrsi ^^TfWjpiqsRTs: 1 VITRT TSTTShr VS-TTSSSSTj: II si SJXflT SjET s|rqRr' SffiRTTSrHTS: I RsoHqsiisq^siTii^ usRt inn>-in-sissr: n Kumarasambhavam. TsifsEsrft s Ti5RT s 1 •o *o 5Ttf?u:TiraTsiji+ut)t s TwurhT s ^fd^i ii Dlianwantari-nlghantu. WIIlruRrtl TTSSrTTSSSSST ^TIMSdT SI TiiST I ^rpr n Stan sts^i s nRajanighantu. 1 VJIst't-'tfl UTSim SSSIT-TSSSTt I ^mfssTTt ssssi gnrent Rajanighantu. 20 knowledge of Heliotropic movement is indicated by such terms as Adity akrantd, Suryabhakla, etc., that of Nyctitropic movement by such terms as Avja/ikarika (folded palm), Namaskari (plant which bows down), Sparsalajja (which feels bashfulness at touch), referring to Mimosa pudica. Rejuvenation, separation and multiplication of the individuals which are so essential requisties of reproduc- tion seem also to have been well understood. Prof. Chatterji traces in the Rig Veda (VIII—47-9 and II, 1-14) the know- ledge of Photosynthesis and the action of light and storage of energy on plants. Tne facrs that the sun is the source of energy in the fuel, that it is the setting sun, i e„ that having less refractive rays whence the energy is trans- formed and kept in the p *teatial form in the fuel, and that this potential energy is manifested as tire or heat, are also known. The two points, (1) the assimilation of potential energy from the sun and (2) the special suitability of red, orange and yellow rays lor the more effective assimilation of plants, i.e., for the storage of energy in the potential form, are definitely suggested in the following : — imaa gfyga tmkwafil T4 ja: 1 Rig. viii. 43-9. 'Sih rarit •-ii^di^t at5f> atnjr^ar trrae^ar^aa 1 raarartra: ^a^a atreRi' ra aar araai aiftft ap: 11 Rig. 2-1-14. a aitiraaia araira aima: 1 Mallinatha. IaT%ft ira: aratTa fatara; 1 Raghuvamsam. The first of these is clearly stated in the above by the terms “»w aa:” aar ataai” and in the whole of the last texts, which further show that the sun is the source of the energy in the fuel and that it is the setting sun, i.e., having the less refractive rays whence the or energy is transformed and kept in the potential form, which is manifested as fire or heat. The Theory of Evolution has been described in the following — (l) arat^Traa: arrant: 1 arranjra ara: atarffa: ar*am: at=p: vaa, ’jfaaa aiaaa: %ia- fa>arsaa anna ^a: ^ara pa: 1 Chhandogya Upanisat. (2) *arat ta’sraa^ 'sraa aaaaiai aaatapa a af%a: n fsfsjgpa aaptraa aa^ a araTi: 1 aar aaraiai ara aaid++al% aia^a 11 *raa ^anr ^ar faoTFaaaaraa 1 aRraaa a^THaars^piTa 11 Brihat Visnu Purina. In the Brihat Visnu Purdna an attempt has been made to give the succes- sive stages of development of man to even Brahmayont, the highest form of existence. The Phylogenetic and Ontogenetic developments are laid down as well as the comparative duration of the stages. The successive number of stages would indeed be visible only after thousands of years of persistent scientific observation of a race of Darwins. Two things should be further noticed in the text of Brihat Visnu Parana. First, that aquatic life precedes the monkey life, and that the monkey is the progenitor of man. Again, the descent of man from some aquatic animal, although by a remote degree, is grasped with equal acuteness. These ideas are attributed to Darwin ; and our countrymen are scarcely aware of the fact that the truths did not fail to strike the savants of ancient India. Vidyapati has given the order from the highest to successive lower stages :— II -o trot 11 That Indian literature should contain such a full account of the evolution of the animal kingdom from the vegetable world, which could be seen only by a Darwin or a Haeckel in such recent times as the 19th century, ought to inspire thoughtful Indians with a noble vanity, and should infuse into our countrymen a spirit of research with a view to finding out the truths in our Sastras. “The idea of gradual evolution of higher organisms from lower, was familiar to the Greek philosophers, but a scientific basis was given to this hypothesis in the last century ” (Strasburger). Says Prof. Chatterji : “ Is it not our duty to demonstrate to the world that the Hindu sages conceived the idea long before it was dreamt of by any other nation, and as such, their names should precede those of any other philosophers? Had the commentators been as acute in explaining these texts, Dai win might have been anticipated in our country long before his name could be heard in the world ; or is it that some such commentators lie unnoticed in the dark caves of the Himalayas? — “Some mute inglorious Milton here my rest !” In all the above, however, I would only remark that these truths of Botani- cal Physiology were known to the Hindus simply as facts, but no trace has been found as yet regarding their knowledge of the “ science ” of physiology, i.e.} as to how these take place in nature; in short, they have observed the facts with- out caring to ‘ explain ’ them or assign reasons. And here, again, as in so many other things, we have to continue, by our specialised efforts, the work of our ancestors, and develop them along the proper lines, just as the European scholars of the 17th, i8thand 19th centuries have, by their own labours, improved upon, and added to, the heritage bequeathed by their ancestors of the classic age. In Systematic Botany nothing approaching the keen observation and gene- ralisation of modern times is to be found. One peculiarity has not been traced through a sufficiently large number of plants, and we find only isolated instances of two or three plants classified under one group. Thus, grsr (Pinas longifotia) and (Pinus deodara) are placed in one group, i. e., one is described just after the other in Madanapala-Nighantu, and such instances are found in abundance in all the authors. fentrar or (Pinus gerardine) could have also been placed in the same group, but, instead, it is named along with sratfss (Juglans regia), etc, The basis of classification is the property of the plants ; e.g., in all sweet-scented things, such as Sandal wood, are mentioned, and in straqq all vegetables. In these, however, further subdivisions are made, and here we find some more systematic arrangement, as all (Cucurbita papo)t (Benincasa cerifera) etc., are grouped together. When one thing has more than one property it is grouped to bring out, as in Cucurbitacece, the most prominent characteristic, the whole being adjusted to the convenience of a practical man. (Acacia catechu), (Acacia sundria), {A. Jame- siana) and qiR (A. pennata) are all put together in Dhanvantari and in Raja- nighantu in which is based on the common possession of thorns. Again, many of the plants in Cucurbitacece have been placed together most possibly for similarity of the fruit, in Saxa/raga and fit*? {Melia azadirachta), (Melia azadirachta), (Alianthus excelsa Roxb), of the Meliancece order, have been placed together for the similarity of the bitterness of the principle in flowers, fruits and leaves. Plants producing bulbs are sometimes placed together. So, in short, any quality or peculiarity has been taken, and plants divided into various artificial groups. The above will substantiate the view that, under each varga or principal group, the members of the same family have been placed together, these so often possessing many properties in common. The identifying principle accepted by the Indian Botanists depends upon a large number of facts, such as (1) locality, which touches upon Geographical Botany, (2) description of the plant by comparison of its leaves, flowers, roots, fruit, branch, juice, colour, smell and property etc., with some other known things. These things are so given that in most cases all the connotations of one are not found in any other; but very unfortunately, in many cases, the synonyms are highly preplexing indeed One instance will be sufficient here to show the difficulty, strapra (Sal- vania cucullata) and (Ipomcea reniformis) are thus described : Ipomcea reniformis : 53W rastT sqSfat qfitqiTgqT 1 stfraqrara ‘qw n Dhanwantari. SITHil I^-HI ajri^pt=hl I qfqqnftf^qit qrft' straw* firatir ^ st i rastrara ^tr 11 Rttja-nighantu. Salvania cucullata : W3f*WjT rarat wriraireqiw'qiT 1 rain raw nratrara wht* rara^Farawff snra*w q 11 ram nraro qw sprafj q|nrr%w 1 w n Raja-nighantu. The comparison will show the synonyms, and the description of one will be seen to be a mere repetition of the other. The local name is also qqrsrar for both. The properties, however, in one are different from those in the other ; fortunately, these are observed in local usages. Hence, the one can be dis- tinguished from the other simply by taking advantage of the properties and nothing else. Such synonyms recur in many places, and we find the following rule for identification : nrax SRRff^ ^R TWta R^rf *R I pqr trr ii Rajanighantu. In many cases, however, the descriptions are quite characteristic, as in eg., Orchis lati/o/ia, which is thus described, ^r%flRR *3jrt ii Rajanighantu In this, instead of speaking of any of its peculiarities, the specialist just compares it with the folded palm of the hand which will at once identify it and differentiate it from the rest of the vegetable world. From terms used in the slokas as synonyms, we get the entire clue to the identification of the plant. A negligence in thoroughly examining these terms has led to disastrous mistakes which have spoilt half the merit of our well- tried system of medicine. The classifications adopted in Charaka in describing The existence of treatises in Hindu literature, specially addressed to the needs of the animal creation, is the strongest evidence of Zoological studies in ancient and mediaeval India. It is quite natural that a veterinary science should have come into being as a differentiated and specialised branch of the general Ayurvedic literature of those days, since agricultural live-stock, draught cattle, cavalry, camel-corps, elephant-corps, &c., were the common features of the domestic, economic and political lives. Some idea of the secular activities and ‘nature-studies’ of the Hindus will be obtained from an account of their treatises on elephants and horses. (A) Palakapya or the Science of Elephants. Treatises on elephants are known to be Gajachikitsaf Gajavaidya, Gaja- yurveda, Hastydyurveda, Hasli-vaidyaka,&c. I'he sage Palakapya is by tradition known to be the originator of this science, which is not infrequently named after him. The antiquity of these works is to be inferred from the following note in. Prof. Aufrecht’s Catalogus Catalogorum, Vol. I (1891).4 “Palakapya is quoted 1 Lecture delivered by Dr. Gananath Sen 011 Medical Science in Ancient India at the Sahitya Sabha of Calcutta in 1906. 1 Hist, of Ancient Aryan Medicine, pp. 187-189. 3 A fanciful name is Gudhaprakasika. See Aufrecht, I, 140, 4 P, 836. by Ksiraswamin on Amarakosa, Hemadri in Vratahhanda, Sdrangadharapad- dhati (p. 99),1 and Mallinatha.” The volume of literature on the subject would be apparent if we mention the various manuscripts referred to in the above ‘ alphabetical register* of Sanskrit works and authors.’ 1 he following account is based on that work. A work called Gajachikitsa, or ‘ Treatment of Elephants,’ is to be found in the Catalogue of Manuscripts belonging to the late Pandit Radhakrishna of Lahore, who was famous not only for his enlightened views, but also for his great knowledge of Sanskrit lore. Gajadarpana and Gajasastra are quoted by Hemadri, and Dinakara res- pectively on Raghuvamsam. Hasli-vaidyaka is a work by Virasena,1 * 3 quoted by Bhattotpala on Brihajjdtaka. Gajapariksd is the name of a work in Oppert’s List of Sanskrit MSS. in Private Libraries of Southern India (Vol. II, Madras, 1885). Gajalaksana or ‘Characteristics of Elephants,’ attributed to Brihaspati, is also to be found in Oppert’s List, as well as in the Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the Library of H. H. the Maharaja of Bikaneer compiled by Rajendralal Mitra,4 * and in the Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. existing in Oudh compiled by Pandit Deviprasad.® A copy of Gajdyurveda is to be found in the Supplementary Catalogue of Sanskrit works in the Saraswati . Bhandaram Library of H. H. the Maharaja of Mysore, signed by F. Kielhorn. Aufrecht6 mentions also such names of trea- tises on elephants as Gajadana, Gajaddnapaddhati, Gajanirajanavidhi, Gaja- santi, Gajdrohana-Prayoga, Gajdvarta-Iaksana, to be found in the catalogues of Lahore, Benares, Madras, Tanjore and other places. Treatises named after Palakapya, the first promulgator of the science, the Charaka of Hastyayurveda, are to be found in the following catalogues : (1) Report on the Search for Sanskrit manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-81 by Kielhorn. (2) Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of the Benares Sanskrit College — published as a Supplement to the “ Pandit” Vol. Ill —IX (Benares, 1864-74). (3) Catalogue of Sanskrit Mss. in the Library of H. H. the Maharaja of Bikaneer—compiled by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra’ (Calcutta, 1880). 1 Aufreoht’.s analysis of the work in Vol. 27 of the Zeitschrift of the German Oriental Society. Palakapya has been quoted in Agnipurd Sukra IV, iii, 187. 7 Sukra IV, v, 9-498. < Sukra II, 409-407. ' Sukra IV, iii, 56-57. Clothes of the wool of sheep and goats or thread spun by worms (silks) by the Scythians, Tukharas and Kankas ; housings for elephants by princes of the Eastern tribes, lower Bengal, Midnapur, and Ganjam. Panini also, has not only given words for wool, cotton, weaving, cloth, turbans, sewing, &c., but also for gives a special rule (IV, iii, 42). Woollen stuffs and furs as well as silks are silk for which he mentioned by Valmiki among the constiiuenis of Sita’s trousseau (Ramayana, I, 74). It may also be added that animal products, c.g., the hair of Yak, Gour, Gayal and other bovine animals living in hills were used in the manufacture of one species of chamaras, or fly-flappers, described in the Yukti kalpataru as one of the most important insignia of royalty. Some idea of Economic Zoology may be formed from the fact that the author mentions the Meru, Himalaya, Kailasa, Malaya, Vindhya, Gandhamadana and other moun- tains as the habitats of the animals yielding the requisite hairs of various kinds. Dr. Rajendralal has described some of the shoes and boots in Hindu India in his Indo-Aryans. We know the tender story of Bharata’s placing a pair of Rama’s slippers on the vacant throne of Ayodhya to officiate for him during his exile. Mediaeval Sanskrit authors allude to them pretty frequently. The Visnu Purana enjoins all who wish to protect their person never to be with- out leather shoes. Manu forbids the use of others’ shoes (IV, 66), as Sukra considers the use of others’ gold and jewels, &c., as a chhala or social offence. The Puranas recommend the use of shoes in thorny places and on hot sand. Arrian notices the Indian shoes made of white leather, which, according to the description given, may be identified with the Uriya shoes of to-day. According to Mitra the material for these boots and shoes was bovine leather, and even the hide of sacrificed cattle. Aswalayana quotes Sanvatya (IV, ix, 24) to men- tion the fact that the hide of cattle sacrificed in Sulgava ceremony is fit to be converted into shoes and other useful articles. So also hog-skin is a fit material for slices according to a Vedic verse quoted by Savara Swami in his commentary on the Mimamsa aphorisms. Rajendralal also mentions leather bottles, leather jars (drifts in Manu), leather straps, strings and bands, leather sails, &c. The following extract from Mr. Law’s Hindu Polity based on the Artha- sastraofKautilya would give an idea of the Economic Entomology or agricultural Zoology of the Hindus in the 4th cent. B. C. “ It should be remarked that mea- sures for the extermination of pests were also undertaken by Government. These pests generally included rats, locusts, injurious birds and insects and tigers. To destroy rats, cats and mungooses were let loose ; some varieties of poison were also used for the purpose To kill tigers, several kinds of posion were in use.” On the strength of evidences from Tamil sources bearing on South Indian life of the early Christian era, Aiyangar says’ : “ Among the woollens we find mention of manufactures from the wool of rats which was regarded as parti- cularly warm. There are 30 varieties of silks mentioned, each with a Ancient India p. 65. distinctive appellation of its own, as distinguished from the imported silks of China which had a separate name.” Marco Polo (1792 A.D.) describes Cambay as a port with “ great trade in hides, which are very well-dressed.” According to the Dharma Sutra of Baudhayana (i. 2.4), traffic in wool and in animals with two rows of teeth (horses, mules, &c.) is a forbidden practice in the Dravidian districts,—the locale of this work according to Buhler,—but is common among the "Northerners” (i.e., Western and North-western India, according to the geographical terminology of those days recorded by Hiuen Thsang also). I he following extract from the History of Indian Shipping pp. 77-78 relates to the traffic in animals in ancient times : “ Lastly, there are several other Jatakas in which we are told explicitly of a successful, if sporadic, deal in birds between Babylon and Benares, and of horses imported by hundreds from the North and from Sindh.” The author quotes Tandulanali Jataka, Su/ianu Jataka, Kundaka-Kucchi-Sindhava-Jd/aka, Bhojajanuya-Jataka and A/anna Jataka and also Mrs. Rhys Davids’ articles in Economic Journal and J. R. A. S. for 1901. In the days of Solomon also Indian peacocks, &c., found customers in Syria. Prof. Mookerji quotes the Baveru-Jalaka and the opinions of Buhler, Rhys Davids and Kennedy to show that peacocks were first taken to Babylon by Indian sea-going merchants in the 6th cent. B.C. Section 12. The Animal Corps in Sukraniti. Horses, elephants, camels and bulls constitute the animal-corps of the Sukra state. The general rule about the relative proportion of these animals in the army is given in the following line : "The king should have in the army a predominance of footsoldiers, a medium quantity of horse, a small quantity of elephant force, equal number of bulls and camels, but never elephants in excess.” This is stated more definitely as follows:* 3 Infantry should be 4 times horse. Bulls „ l „ Camels ,, | „ Elephants „ ^ „ Thus the number of elephants is to be the smallest, the bulls and camels may be equal in amount or differ as ] or ^ of horse. The idea of Sukra statesmen is clearly known from the statement of the constituents of the Army in a state whose annual income is Rs. 1,00,000. The ruler of such a state3 is advised to have (1) 80 horses. (3) 2 elephants. (2) 10 camels. (j) 16 bulls. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 47-52. The budget of expenses on the military live-stock of this “ unit ” of politi- cal life is explicitly stated to be as follows (1) Horse (and Foot) ... ... ... Rs. 48,000 per year. (2) Elephants, Camels, Bulls (and Fire-arms)... „ 4,800 Total Rs. ... 52,800 The importance of the department of live-stock to the state would be evident from the fact that, together with (1) the Infantry and (2) the Fire-arms and other accessories, e.gchariots, carts, &c., the horses, elephants, camels and bulls constitute more than half of the permanent charges upon the finances of the kingdom. It is clear, therefore, that all Hindu financiers and statesmen, as well as rulers must have made themselves thoroughly well-grounded in the knowledge of habits, habitat, feelings, rations, stabling, embryology, anatomy, external characteristics, health, prices, classes, measurements, mettle, &c., of the live-stock. It is this which explains the abundance of Zoological lore among the Hindus, and the production by their scholars of works on economic zoo- logy, veterinary science, physiology, &c., dealing with all the theoretical and practical or scientific and utilitarian aspects of Indian Fauna. Besides the purely military uses of these animals, Sukrantti records some other uses also. The following reference to the animal-force indicates non- military as well as military uses; “The elephant,1 2 the camel, the bull, the horse are excellent beasts of burden in the descending order. Carriages are the best of all conveyances except in the rainy season.” The use of horses for purposes of conveyance is further referred to in what looks like modern " horse-allowance^ ” described in the following lines: “ (1) The master of 10 villages, and the commander of 100 troops should travel on horseback with attendants: (2) The master of one village also should be a horseman ; (3) The commander of 1,000 troops and the ruler of too villages should each have the conveyance of a chariot or cart and a horse, and 10 armed attendants should travel on horseback. (4) The ruler of 1,000 villages should always travel in vehicles carried by men or two horses. (5) The ruler of 10,000 villages can use all vehicles and four horses.” The use of elephants, also, as conveyance is granted to the “dignified parts’’of the state : “ The commander of 10,000 troops should travel on an elephant3 with 20 attendants.” The references to carts or carriages drawn by horses should be noted. Horse-Sacrifices have also been incidentally mentioned in Sukranili. “ Can virtue that is begotten of aswcimedha4 come out of mere recital of hymns ? So also, can the virtue arising from mercy come out of punishments ?” The analogy is quite worthless, however. The horse to be used in the sacrifice would perhaps be called Syamakarna5 according to the taxonomy in Sukraniti. 1 Sukra IY, vii, 352-53. 2 Sukra V, 162-108. ?Sukra V, 167, 1 Sukra IY, i, 108-3. 6 Sukra IV, vii, 221-22. 6 Sukra I, 622, So also the religious ceremony in connexion with theu/sarga or letting out or consecration of bulls is referred to. There is a law of the land regulating the people’s action with regard to the custom : “ Those who have let out bulls and other animals (after religious observances) must keep them within proper control the animals must not be allowed to destroy public property or cause damages to the interests of the citizens. The following is a general rule of morality to be observed by pedestrians while walking, and indicates the degree of danger that is to be feared from the animals: “One should keep 5 cubits from the carriage, 10 cubits from the horse,* 1 * 100 cubits from the snake, and 10 cubits from the bull.” Like the goats, the bulls are also known to Sukra authors to be stupid animals. Thus those kings are almost like oxen* (i.e., fools) by whom their strength (army) is not increased, by whom princes are not made to pay tribute, and by whom subjects are not well-protected. The elephant has left its deep mark on Hindu thought. Both Literature and Fine arts of the Hindus have preserved the most characteristic representa- tions of this animal’s internal and external features The rut gushing out of the elephant is a conventional symbol with Hindu poets tor the excitement of passion in both physical and moral worlds. The havoc created by the animal in fury has also been the theme of many a noble specimen of Hindu sculpture and literature. The moral lessons illustrated by the Sukra authors from the habits of this animal are given below : — (1) There is a complete analogy between the processes of training elephants and the senses of man. “ One should bring to bay or discipline, by the hook of knowledge, the elephant3 of the senses which is running to and fro in a destructive manner in the vast forest of enjoyable things.” This simile about wild and unbroken elephants is one of the most common devices in Sanskrit literature. (2) The elephant is the object lesson, among other things, of the danger from the weakness of Touch-enjoyment: “The elephant4 whose stature is like the peak of a mountain and who can uproot trees with ease, is, however, caught, because of the pleasure of contact with the female.” This is expressed again, in the following : “ The antelope, the elephant,8 the fly, the bee, and the fish —these five are ruined through sound, touch, form, smell and taste." Two professions have been incidentally noticed here, e.g,, those of catch- ing and training the elephants. The elephant is known to be proverbially huge and strong. “It is only the powerful elephant,6 that can extricate an elephant from the mud. So also, it is a king who can deliver a king who has gone astray.” Again, “The elephant1 cannot be bound by thousands of bales of cotton.” J Sukra III, 281-2. 2 Sukra I, 205-6. 2 Sukra I, 249-50. 3 Sukra III, 33-34. 1 Sukra 1,193-94. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 834-35, * Sukra IV, vii, 833, But the elephant is no match for the lion : “Just as even the tiger and the elephant1 cannot govern the lion—the king of beasts—so all the councillors combined are unable to control the king, who acts at his own sweet will.” We have already referred to the use of elephants as conveyance granted to the very high officials of the state. It is also advised that •* the king should tour the city on the back of an elephant,4 * in order to please the people.” Section 13. Horses. (a) External Anatomy. The anatomy and external characteristics of horses were very minutely studied. The fact that the Hindus laid down mathematically accurate rules for the artists to follow and demanded of them a strictly religious observance of those rules presupposes, and is an evidence in favour of, the view that the}' were past masters in anatomical surveys of the human and animal bodies. To those who would construct the images of horses, Sukracharyya’s advice is : “ If an image is to be made, the appropriate pattern or model should be always placed in front. No image can be made without a model. So the artist should frame the limbs after meditating on the horse3 and finding out the measure- ments and attributes of horses in the manner indicated above.” “In horses all limbs are made according to a certain proportion with the face.” The measurements of horses’ limbs given by Sukracharyya will be explained in the section on the anatomy of the vertebrates. (b) Mettle and Worth. The appreciation of horses and their classification according to merit depend on the consideration of the following circumstances, both zoological and economic : (1) measurements of limbs, (2) certain general aspects and physiog- nomical features, and (3) marks on the animal’s body, c.g., feather-rings, &c., which are known to be auspicious or inauspicious, also (4) the place from which they come. But this last has not been described in Sukraniti.1 According to the measurements of limbs, we get the following tradition re- corded by Sukra authors: (0 The best horse6 has a face of 24 angulas or inches. (*) The good „ „ 36 „ n »> (3) The medium „ „ 32 tt M (4) The inferior „ „ to co tt tt [iV. B.—5 yavas=l angula, according to Sukra.] 1 Sukra IV, vii, 830-31. * Sukra IV, vii, 145-8, 4 Sukra I, 744. 1 Vide Law’s Hindu Polity, p. 36. ‘Sukra IV, vii, 86-89. 34 The limbs which are to have a fixed proportion with the face should have the following measurements : (1) Stature1 * is to be 3 times face. (2) Length „ 4§ (3) Girth or Circumference of belly 3 times face + 3 angulas. The measurements given by Sukracharyya differ from those given in Chanakya’s Arthasastra,'1 as well as in Aswavaidyaka.3 * * The classification of horses, according to general physiognomical features, has been elaborately treated under 50 heads by Jayadatta in the third chapter of his Aswavaidyaka. In his notes on this chapter, Pandit Umeshchandra Gupta has quoted passages from Nakula’s veterinary science, Agnipurana, Brihat Samhita, Haravali, Amarakosa, and Hemachandra, but specially from Sukranili. The extracts show similarity as well as divergence of ideas on the subject. The general characteristics of horses regarding features, colour, gait, &c , appreciated by Sukra authors are indicated below : — (1) That horse is beautiful1 which has a high neck and a low back. (2) The horse6 with divine attributes, or excellent horse is that which has a beardless face, beautiful, smart and high nose, long and high neck, short belly, heels and ears, very swift speed, voice like the cloud and the gander or swan, is neither wicked nor very mild, has good form or colour and beauti- ful circular rings ol feather. (3) The following horses are disparaged: (i) those with black legs, or with one white leg,6 (ii) those rough, grey-coloured or ash-coloured,1 (iii) those with black roof of mouth, black tongues, black lips; or throughout black but with a white tail, (iv) those with one white mark on the forehead, but throughout colour- ed otherwise—(called Dalabhanji),e (v) those that throw kicks, make sounds with lips, shake their backs, tend to go down into water, suddenly stop in the midst of a movement, lie down on the back, move backwards and leap up,9 (vi) those that have snake-like tongues, the colour of bears and are timid in character,9 (vii) those with marks on the forehead disfigured by a minute blot (of another colour),* (viii) those which tear asunder the ropes9 (cf. IV, vii, 217). 1 Sukra IV, vii, 91-05. 1 See Law’s Hindu Polity, p. 38. 3 Chapter III, 181-188, published in the Bibliotheca Indicu Series. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 144. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 226-28. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 149-53. 8 Sukra IV, vii, 234-15. 0 Sukra IV, vii, 225. ° Sukra IV, vii, 328-31. o ( 267 ) (4) Defects of colour (whether one or variegated) are not considered, if the form be beautiful.1 (5) So also the presence of bad hair-marks on the body is not minded if the animal is strong, has a good gait, is well-formed, and not wicked.3 (6) The following movements of horses are appreciated (i) with legs thrown from a height, (ii) gait like those of tigers, peacocks, ducks, parrots, pigeons or doves, deer, camels, monkeys and bulls. Aswavaidyaka also bears this out. (7) One of the most practical tests of good horses is given by Sukra ; thus, if the horseman does not get tired by riding a horse even after over-feed- ing and over-drinking, the gait of the horse is known to be excellent.4 5 The value of horses in terms of money, i.c., their prices, according to Sukra authorities, are given below : — (1) The high prices for horses and elephants is 2000, 3000 or 4000. Now a silver pala=8 tolas or rupees. Therefore, the price is 16,000, 24,000, 32,000 rupees. This seems to be extraordinary, especially from the following estimation of the best horse. Hence, the figures 2,000, 3,000, 4,000, are to be taken to indicate not palas, but silver tolas or rupees. (2) The best horse is that which can go 100 yojanas (500 or 700 miles) a day. Its price is 500 gold (coins) i. e., Rs. 8,000. The price of horses according to Sukra Statistics would, therefore, normally range from Rs. 2,000 to Rs. 8,000. (e) Omens. The third consideration which weighs much in the valuation of breeds of horses is the presence or absence of ringlets, curly-feathers, hair-marks, pimples &c on the body of the animal. These have been described thoroughly with all their significance in LXVI and XC1I! chapters of Briliat Samhita, as well as the chapter on marks in Aswavaidyaka previously referred to. According to the Hindus the marks are good or bad omens,® and may be interpreted to indicate the character, qualifications, disposition, as well as future social or economic condition of men over whose bodies they appear. The science of omens relates to the animals also, and what is more, foretells adversity or prosperity of their masters. It is natural, therefore, that the sub- ject was minutely studied in those days. Thus Varahamihira begins his discourse on omens 6 with a short historical treatment of the science : “ Risabha has written a treatise on omens embodying the views of the 1 Sukra IV, vii, 224, 236-37. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 229-31. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 238. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 232-33. 5 Varahamihira has dealt with this topic in LV. of Brihat Samhita, ° Sukra IV, vi, Brihat Samhita, LXXXVI, 1-4, 4* gods Sukra, Indra, Brihaspati, Kapisthala, and Garuda, and of the Risis Bha- guri, Devala and others. Sri Devavardhana, the Maharaja of Avanti (Ujjayini) lias written a treatise on omens, embodying the views of Bharadwaja. There are also treatises on omens by the seven Risis. Numerous treatises are also found on the subject written in ancient and modern languages. Then there are the treatises of Garga and others who have written works on Samhita. There are also treatises by writers who have written on Yatra. Having examined all the above treatises, I proceed to write clearly this brief treatise on omens for the enlightenment of my pupils.” Our author has been referred to by Varahamihira as an authority in the above bibliography. It appears Sukracharyya was a founder of this science. Sukraniti is perhaps the most elaborate of Niti-or Dharma-or Arthasastras in the treatment of the subject, as would be evident from the references given below. It should be mentioned that the Sukra authors, Vara- hamihira, Nakula and Jayadatta do not all agree in the valuation or enumeration of the marks or omens connected with the features of horses. The bhramaras or avartas, i.e„ marks on the horses’ body consisting of feather-curls or hairy growths may be (i) circular—like ringlets, or (2) of any shape and size, as indicated by the following substances Conch, wheel, mace, lotus, altar, seat of meditation, palace, gate, bow, pitcher full of water, white mustard seeds, garland, fish, dagger and Srivatsa gem. These 16 are known to be auspicious signs. As for the circular ones, their significance, good or evil, is to be known from the following general rules: (1) These may be (i) leftwards or rightwards, (ii) full or partial, (iii) small or large.* (2) In the female horse, the leftward or anti-clockwise ring is auspicious; in the male the rightward or clockwise.1 2 3 (3) The results vary also with the directions in which they are formed, e.g., downwards, upwards or oblique ; * thus on the leg the downward mark is good, on the forehead the upward.® These general remarks on hairy growths, whether circular or shaped like the objects enumerated above, have been the basis of a classification of horses according to merit. This is dwelt on more elaborately as below : (1) Excellent horses6 are those that have these marks on (i) nose-tip, (ii) forehead, (iii) throat, (iv) head. (2) Good or Middling7 horses are those that have such marks on (i) breast, (ii) neck, (iii) shoulder, (iv) waist, (v) navel, (vi) belly, (vii) front of the 1 Sukra IY, vi, 159-11. 4 * Sukra IV, vii, 158. 2 Sukra IV, ii, 154-55. ‘ Sukra IV, vii, 212. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 156-57. 0 Sukra IV, vii, 162-163. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 164-5, 203-05. There is a repetition of waist and sides in the two references, sides, (viii) back, (ix) lower lip, (x) space between ear and eye, (xi) thighs, (xii) forelegs. (3) Bad horses1 * are those that have marks on (i) eyes, (ii) jaws, (iii) cheeks, (iv) breast, (v) upper lip, (vi) kidney, (vii) knee, (viii) genital organ, (ix) hump of the back, (x) right waist, (xi) right foot. A few more good and bad marks are enumerated below (a) Good: (i) If two marks are noticed on the cheeks of a horse, they lead to the increase of the master’s fame and territory.3 (ii) I wo marks on the forehead with space between indicate good, and are like the sun and the moon. If they overlap, they give medium results.3 (iii) Three marks on the forehead with space between them, one being on the top, are indicative of good.4 5 (iv) One mark in the middle of the throat1 is very auspicious and prevents all harms. (v) On the leg the downward mark is good, on the forehead the upward.6 * (A) Bad\ (i) The horse that has a mark on the left cheek is wicked and leads to loss of wealth.’ (ii) If the horse has marks in the mouth (or face?) or at the end of the belly, it is sure to get death or cause ruin of the master.* (iii) The marks on knees give troubles of life abroad.9 (iv) The mark on the genital organ causes loss of9 victory and beauty. (v) The mark at the end of the vertebral column means total ruin.9 (vi) If on the forehead two marks be too contiguous, they are inaus- picious.10 (vii) Three triangular marks on the forehead are causes of grief.11 (viii) The mark on the back of the genital organ or on the nipple or near the ear19 is bad. (ix) The horse that has an upward mark13 on the leg is disparaged as the uprooter of posts. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 200-2. Ifc has to be noted that there is a contradiction in this enumeration with that in 162-65 as regards navel, waist and throat. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 174-75. 8 Sukra IV, vii, 191-2. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 206-7. 9 Sukra IV, vii, 193-5. 4 Sukra IV, vii, 208-9. 10 Sukra IV, vii, 207,209. 5 Sukra IV, vii, 211. 11 Sukra IV, vii, 210. ‘ Sukra IV, vii, 212. 12 Sukra IV, vii, 214-15. (d) Breeds. The artificial taxonomy of horses according to the adventitious marks on their bodies has created along with it a system of nomenclature also, which, according to Hindu tradition, again, is a good index to the quality, mettle and other characteristics of horses. In Sukraniti we have the technical names of the following classes or breeds : (1) Purnaharsa1—with two marks on the brow and a third on the head. (2) Suryya2—with a mark on the backbone —leads to the increase of master’s horses. (3) Tnkuta3—with three marks on the forehead—leads to the increase of horses. (4) Vdjisa1—with three marks on the neck—is the lord of horses in the royal stable. (5) Sarvandma* — with only one mark on the cheek—leads to the owner’s ruin. (6) Siva6—with a mark on the right cheek—leads to the happiness of the master. (7) Indra' — with two spots on the ears—gives victory in wars and leads to happiness. (8) Vijaya* — with marks on the nipples—gives victory in wars and leads to happiness. (9) Padma9—with two marks on the side of the neck—brings several padmas (Padma = one thousand billions) of wealth as well as unceasing happiness to the master. (10) Bhupala10 or Cliakravarti—with one or three marks on the nose. (11) C/nntatnani'1 —with one large markon the throat —leads to the realisation of the desired objects. (12) Sulka'a — with marks on the forehead and the throat—gives increase and fame. (13) Dhumakelu13—with a mark at the origin of the tail —is ruinous. (14) Kritanta}* — with a mark on the rectum, the tail and the end of the vertebral column. (15) Ekarasmi61 — with a mark on one of the upper sides of the neck. (16) Panchakalyana16—with five white marks on the face and four legs. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 166-7. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 168-9. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 170-1. 4 Sukra IV, vii, 172-3. 6 Sukra IV, vii, 176-7. • Sukra IV, vii, 178-79. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 181. D Sukra IV, vii, 184-5. 10 Sukra IV, vii, 186-7. 11 Sukra IV, vii, 188-9. 15 Sukra IV, vii, 190. 13 Sukra IV, vii, 196-7. 14 Sukra IV, vii, 198-99, 15 Sukra IV, vii, 216. (17) Astamangala1 — with the five white marks of Panchakalydna, and three more white, e.g., on the breast, neck and tail. (18) &y&makarna3 — with one colour throughout the body, but with ears coloured syama (i.e. greenish, swarthy, &c). If that one colour be white, the horse is sacred and deserves to be worshipped. (19) Jayamangala3 — with eyes like vaiduryya gem. (20) Dalahbanji*—with one very white mark on the forehead, but colour- ed otherwise throughout—brings contempt upon the owner. A classification of animals which has been adopted in the case of elephants has not been recorded by Sukra authors with reference to the horses. This has, however, been noticed in the Arthasastra.* * 5 Thus, horses were regarded as belonging to the three classes or types of tiksna (fiery), bhadra (gentle) and mandci (sluggish). It is also strange that Sukra authors should have omitted altogether a very important mode of economic classification of horses, e. g., that according to their places of origin. The Aswavaidyaka has devoted a whole chapter6 to this topic, called the chapter on janmadesa or Habitat or Zoological Distribution, as we would call it in modern times, and deals with the subject under nine heads: e.g. (1) good horses, (2) second-class horses, (3) worst-class horses, (4) Tajika horses, (5) Parasiha horses, (6) Kekkana horses, (7) Turaska horses, (8) Bhandaja horses, (9) Saindhava horses, &c. The Arthasastra,7 also, mentions the following classes of horses, accord- ing to their natural habitats: (1) Kamboja (Afghanistan) (2) Sindhu (Sindh) (3) Aratta (Punjab, according to Cunningham, p. 215), (4) Vanayn (Arabia), (5) Balhika (Balkh), (6) Sauvira (Eder in Guzrat, according to Cunningham, or Sophir of the Bible), (7) Papeye, (8) Taitala. Of these places the first four were held to supply the best breed, and the remaining four the horses of the second quality. Horses of inferior quality came from other sources. It may be mentioned here that almost all the places enumerated by Kautilya have been noted by Valmlki in the Bdlakdnda of the Ramayanam (Canto VI, 22). Trade in horses8 seems also to have been a feature of South Indian com- mercial life in the 1st cent. £.D. Thus in the Periphis we have the description of Puhar, a port on the East coast, where “horses were brought from distant lands on the seas.’’ 1 Sukra IV, vii, 220. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 228. 2 Sukra IV, vii, 221-2. * Sukra IV, vii, 234-35. 5 Law’s Hindu Polity p. 36. ’ Vide the 6th chapter of the work in the Bibliotheca Indica Series. This throws much light on the Economic or Commercial Geography of ancient India, 7 Law’s Hindu Polity, pp. 36-37. 8 Aiyangar’s History of India, p. 66. (e) Training and Management. Lt. General Sit Fjtzwygram deals with the construction and ventilation of stables, stable fittings, watering and feeding, forage, grooming, shoeing, exercise, and stable management in part I of his work, “ Horses and Stables.” All these topics are the subject-matter of Jayadatta’s Aswavaidyaka in several chapters, and have been described more or less in all Hindu treatises, called Arthsastras or Nitisdstras, which have been handed down from at least the 4th century B.C. It is, however, only during the last hundred years that, owing to the “ enormous losses1 produced by the ignorance of the true origin of disease, veterinary art has been recognised as second only in its usefulness to the care of human life.” * * * “ In the increasing value of domesticated animals useful to man, and in the greater ravages of disease, as must be the case where animals, more or less intended to roam at large, are crowded together ; as must be the case where land increases in value, and where also population increases in numbers and daily requires larger supplies of food ; in the increasing value and need of domestic animals, and in their increasing ailments arising from domestication, modern veterinary science has had its rise.” The humanity of the Hindus, as displayed it] their care for animals since at least the 6th century B. C.—the epoch of the founders of Buddhism and Jainism—as well as the progress of their knowledge about animal-life, medical treatment of the dumb creatures, and the social, economic and political import- ance of Fauna, constitutes one more of the solid evidences regarding the great advance of the people of Hindusthan in spirituality and material civilisa- tion, long before the “strong Son of God, immortal Love” flourished under the “ Syrian blue.” The unfounded remarks of Western scholars explaining away, without rhyme or reason, the antiquity of the original achievements of the Hindus in secular and physical sciences or arts, require, in the light of more rational and unbiassed investigations which they pretend to monopolise, only to be mentioned to prove their absurdity. It is strange that sentiments —for they are no better than sentiments —engendered by race-pride and colour- prejudice, like the following, expressed in the most categorical fashion and sweepingly general terms, should find a place in a scientific work like the His- tory 0/Mathematics'1 published in the first decade of the 20th century :— “The Hindus, like the Chinese, have pretended3 that they are the most ancient people on the face of the earth, and that to them all sciences owe their creation. But it would appear from all recent investigations that these pretensions3 have no foundation ; and in fact science or usejul art (except a rather fantastic architecture and sculpture) can be traced back to the inhabitants of the Indian peninsula prior to the Aryan invasion. This invasion 1 Pitzwygraui’.s Horses and Stables (Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1911), Fifth Edition, pp. 612-513. s By Ball (Macmillan & Co., London, 1908), Fourth Edition, p. 146. * The Itaics are ours. seems to have taken place in the latter half of the 5th century1 * or in the sixth century.” To return to the topics of horse training and management in SuktattUi. Sukracharyya says, as we have noted in a previous context : “The elephant, the horse,* the bull, the child, the wife, and the parrot get the qualities of their teachers through association.” The staff connected with the management of horses consists of three classes3 of men : (c) aswadhipati or superintendent of cavalry, (2) siksakct or trainer, (3) the sevaka or groom. These, together with other items in the administration of the cavalry, will be treated of in the section on organisation of the Veterinary Department. Some general observations4 regarding forage, exercise, &c for horses are given below :— (1) Defects grow in horses through long-continued absence of work. But through excessive work the horse grows lean and emaciated. (2) Without bearing burden, the horse becomes unfit for any work. (3) Without food, the horse becomes sickly, but with excessive feeding, it contracts disease. (4) It is the good or bad qualifications of the trainer that give the horse good or bad gait. We may compare these practical rules about grooming and training with those of a modern specialist5 which apply especially to race-horses in India : “ (1) It is most important that the trainer should recognise the fact that he can greatly increase a horse’s speed by practice. “ But experience teaches us that we must be very careful in applying the fact, that speed can be greatly increased by practice, to horses ; because, if we push it to an undue extent, they will be apt to become disgusted with their work, and may refuse to “ try.” “ (2) I am much averse from the plan of throwing sound, healthy horses altogether out of training during the summer, for hard condition once lost takes a long time to regain. A sound horse should get all through the hot weather a fair amount of health}' work. “(3) The trainer, while supplying the horse with food suitable for the requirements of his system, when undergoing severe work, should never lose sight of the fact that the proper assimilation of such food can only be ensured as long as the functions of digestion are in a healthy state. 1 What is the meaning of this date? This bit of recent investigation deserves a place by the notorious feat of Dugald Stewart in proving the Sanskrit language to be an invention of the crafty Brahmans ! ’ Sukra III, 582-3. 5 Sukra II, 260-63, 270-73, 274-75. 4 Sukra IV, vii, 239-43. * Haye’s Training and Horse Management in India (Longmans, 1905), pp. 150, 151, 104, 170, 172. 85 “(4) Horses should be made to walk smartly. Nothing looks slacker or causes an animal to walk in a more slovenly manner than the way syces often lead horses, with a long rein or rope over their shoulder, while they hobble along in front at the rate of about two miles an hour.” (/) Grooming. The theory of grooming has been explained bv General Fitzwygram1 * in his answer to the question — “ why does the stabled horse require constant grooming, whilst the same horse turned out into a field does well enough with- out it ?” “ It is the work and the food, not the shelter,” says he, “ which consti- tutes the difference between the domesticated animal and the horse in a state of nature. * * * As long as the horse remains in a state of nature, taking only the exercise required for gathering his food, and feeding only on laxative diet, grooming is not needed, because the debris of the food and the excretions of the system are carried off mainly by the action of the bowels and the kidneys. I'he cart horse, whose work is slow, can get on with very little groom- ing. The hunter and the racehorse, on the other hand, whose whole systems are developed to the utmost, require much more grooming than is necessary for carriage and ordinary riding horses. * * * Cavalry horses in camps require grooming just as much, and in some respects more than they do in barracks. 0 * * Grooming, or in other words, cleanliness of the skin, is not, as many suppose, a mere matter of appearance, or of a rough or smooth coat; but it is essential to the general health and condition of the domesticated animal.” It is remarkable that the Sukra authors, who have been writing mainly of the cavalry horses, should have been well-acquainted with the physiological aspects of grooming, as would be evident from the particular care they have insist- ed on the syces and servants in attending to the rations, health and comfort of the animals under their charge. The following rules of Sukracharyya about shampooing, washing, cleaning, &c., as well as feeding and exercise con- nected with the art of grooming, testify to their thorough grasp of the subject and may be compared with the most recent ideas about it. (1) The horse that has got fatigue through work should be given a slight stroll for sometime, then should be fed upon sugar and powdered grains mixed with water.* (2) The horse should be given gur (molasses) and salt just after work, before the saddle and fittings are brought down. Then when the sweat has disappeared, and it has stood calm and quiet the horse should be relieved of its fittings and reins.* (3) The horse should be made to stroll in the dust after its limbs have been rubbed, and carefully tended with baths, drinks and foods4. 1 Horses and Stables, pp. 66-7. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 275-78. (4) If the horse be made to carry burden, just after taking food and drink, it soon gets coughs, breathlessness and other diseases.1 General Fitzwygram8 appreciates the Indian method of grooming in the following words: “In India the native groom often cleans his horse by hand-rubbing or shampooing. The practice is good and has an excellent effect on the skin. It would be difficult, probably impossible, to get English grooms to adopt a practice so novel. But * 0 * the author believes the practice would be found most beneficial. The action of the hand never irritates the skin, which the brush frequently does.’’ (g) Forage. We have just noted that according to modern Physiology and Hygiene feeding and grooming cannot be dissociated from each other and do in fact form two inter-connected functions of one and the same work, viz., tending of domesticated horses. The treatment of food must inevitably come hand in hand with the other aspect of the general art of tending. It is perfectly natural, therefore, that rations of horses, and their cleaning, rubbing, washing, &c., have been dealt with by Sukra equestrians as an organically blended topic. Thus in the above remarks about grooming we have noticed also the treatment of the forage. Besides sugar, salt, gar (molasses), and powdered grains or peas, called saklti, the varieties of horses’ food are indicated in the following lines: (1) The horse should be given peas or grains, masa, mungo (phaseolus mango), both dry and wet, as well as well-cooked meat.* (2) Wines and juices of forest or wild animals take away all the defects of horses.4 (3) The horse should be made to take milk, ghee, water and powdered grains.1 Sukr&charyya thus recommends mineral, vegetable as well as animal food. The following order6 indicates the varying degrees of nutritive rations known to our author: (1) Best food— e.g„ Barley and pea. (2) Second class—eg., Masa and makustha. (3) Inferior stuff— e.g., Masur and mungo. The Arlhasaslra7 of Kautilya has given more elaborate rules about rations to be observed by the superintendent of horses. In the dietary for the best horse we find curd, milk, meat, among other articles. The importance of sugar in the rations of horses is thus indicated by Hayes :8 Cane sugar is the best of all restoratives for animals in a state of 1 Sukra IV, vii, 283-4. 5 Sukra IV, vii, 282. * Horses and Stables, p. 70. ” Sukra IV, vii. 230. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 272-73. ’ See Law’s Hind. Pol. pp. 40-42. * Sukra IV, vii, 281. 6 Training and Horse Management in India, p. 25. exhaustion, because it can be absorbed into the system with little or no preli- minary preparation by the digestive juices. Also the more tired a horse is, the more torpid are his disgestive organs. Therefore a solution of sugar is a far better restorative to a fatigued horse, supposing that the amount of sugar is equal to that of the starch in the gruel.” This explains the two rules of Sukracharyya about the kind of food to be administered to horses just after work. To appreciate the physiological significance of the rations prescribed in Sukraniti, Hayes’ chapters on varieties of food, sketch of the theory of food and nutrition, watering horses, and prac- tical rules for feeding and watering horses, should be read along with this section. (h) Rules about exercise. "As air is to the lungs or food to the stomach, so is exercise to the due development of the muscles, tendons, ligaments, and respiratory organs. In the horse, on account of the active exertions which we require from him, we wish to get the muscles as firm, the tendons and ligaments as strong, and the respiratory organs as vigorous as possible. * * * * In the ox and sheep, and other animals which are used for food, we wish to have the flesh less firm and more tender ; and therefore we give him little or no exercise.” The above extract from Fitzwygram’s work on Horses and Stables fur- nishes the theoretical considerations guiding the exercises of horses. It is evident that exercises would vary with the climate and seasons of lands. The rules of Sukra authors abcut the exercise of horses1 according to seasons are given below : (1) One should ride the horse in the morning and evening in hemanta (October and November), winter and spring, in the evening in summer, and in the morning in autumn. (2) One should not use the horse in the rainy season nor on uneven grounds. We have in the section on horticulture noticed the rules for watering plants adapted to the seasons, and had reasons for guessing that the rules indicated the conditions of life obtaining in Eastern India. In the present instance, also, the specially noticeable feature is the importance given to the rainy season, and this, again, probably points to the abundant rainfall in Eastern India. The beneficial effects of exercise are thus described by Sukracharyya : "The appetite, strength, prowess, and health of the horse are promoted by well- regulated movements.” ‘l The following are the rules for 4 breaking ’ the horse : (1) A circular breaking or training ground * has to be prepared. The circumference may be (i) 1,000 chapas or dhanus (=4,000 cubits), (ii) 500 chapas or 2,000 cubits, (iii) 1,000 cubits, (iv) 400 cubits, or (v) 200 cubits. 1 Sukra. IV, vii, 266-68. In Aswavaidyaka a whole chapter has been devoted to the treatment of seasons. (2) The movement or speed of the horse should be daily increased by exercises 1 2 within the circular ring in such a way that it can run 100 yojanas (400 or about 700 miles) in a day. This speed has been taken to be the criterion of the best horse in the calculation of prices 1 also. As for the daily increase of speed we have already noticed the theories of Sukra and Hayes. (3) The ideal speed of horses is, again, indicated in the following rule, which, however, does not tally with the above : The good horse * should go 100 dhanus or 400 cubits in 16 matras.” Horses are inferior according as the speed is lower.” [As 10 matras = 4 seconds, the rate given here would be about 64 miles an hour.] (<) The Art of Training. Feeding and grooming, the two parts of the work of tending horses, form the duty of the syce or groom. Exercise and Breaking also form part ol his duty. But these aspects of horse-management may be conveniently left to the trainer or sisksaka ; for he is responsible for the character, gait, paces, speed, &c.,of the animal, which depend, to a considerable extent, on exercise, breaking, &c. We have already noticed that “ it is the good or bad qualifications of the trainer that give the horse good or bad gait ; ” and we have just seen that the ideal speed which the horse should be expected to approximate is 64 miles an hour or 700—800 miles a day. The trainer must therefore be well up in the rules of horsemanship, which are given below : (1) The good trainer is he who moves his legs below the knees, keeps his body erect, is fixed in his seat, and holds the bridle uniforml)'.3 * * (2) The good trainer should strike the horse at the proper place by whips mildly, and not too severely but with medium pressure.'* It is the proper use of the whip, in which, according to Sukrachrayya, consists the secrect of good horsemanship or success in jockey’s art (1) In the first place, one should never ride a horse without a whip,8 and should overpower the animal by whips when necessary. (2) In the second place, he must not use it indiscriminately or very often, or strike the horse at wrong places ; for then he adds to the defects of the animal, which last for ever.6 (3) The following are the rules for striking a horse : —(i) at the sides,1 if it neighs, or if it slips, (ii) at the ear, if it shies, (iii) at the neck, if it goes astray, (iv) at the space between the arms, if angry, (v) at the belly, if absent-minded. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 264-65. [A yojana=4, 5, 7, or 8 miles.] 2 Sukra IV, ii, 199. - Sukra IV, vii, 246-7. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 243. 'Sukra IV, vii, 258. 5 Sukra I > , vii, 244-45. 6 Sukra IV, vii, 255-57. Or 1 2 (vi) at the breast, if it be terrified, fvii) at the neck, if it neighs, (viii) at the posterior, if it slips, (ix) at the mouth, if going astray, (x) at the tail, if angry, and (xi) at the knees, if absent-minded. The function of the trainer* would thus appear to consist of the following classes of work : (1) To promote the good disposition of the horse and maintain its proper mettle by skilful management, as just described. (2) To qualify horses as swift racers by proper exercise, &c., as described in the previous sub-section. (3) To train their gait, i.e., teach them elegant paces according to the rules of military life, sportsmanship, hunting or ordinary riding. Some of these paces were enumerated in the section on the general physiognomical and other features of horses ; e.g., like those of tigers,3 4 peacocks, ducks, &c. A few remarks about the gait and movements of horses have also been made there. According to Arthasastra4 “ horses were trained not only for the ordinary work of the state, but also for the more difficult movements required in war.” The paces and trots enumerated by Sukracharyya differ, however, from those given by Kautilya, both as to name and description. According to Sukra authors, movements are of 11 kinds:5 (1) Cliakrita — circular. (2) Rechi/a—g&\\op\ng. (3) Valgita— prancing. (4) Dhaurita — trotting. (5) jumping. (6) Tura—speedy. (7) Manda—slow or sluggish. (8) Kutila—tortuous. (9) Sarpana — serpentine. (10) Parivartanci—rolling, revolving. (ti) Askandita—galloping at full speed. Of these, the following six® have been characterised by Sukracharyya thus— (1) Dharcl — which seems to be equivalent to tura in the above list—is known to be that pace which is very fast, in the midst of which a horse would get puzzled if spurred with the heels. (2) Askandita—that in which the horse contracts its forelegs and runs with rapid leaps. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 252-54. 2 See also Sukra II, 270-73. ® Sukra IV, vii, 229-31. 4 Law’s Hindu Polity, pp. 42-44. See the technical terms used by Kautilya ‘ Sukra II, 270-73. (3) Rechita— that with short leaps, but continuous, (4) Pluta—that in which the horse leaps with all the four legs like the deer. (5) Dhaurilaka—rapid movement with uncontracted legs very useful in drawing carriages or chariots. (6) Valgita—that in which the animal runs with contracted legs, neck raised like that of the peacock, and half the body trembling. (/) Stables and Trappings. Sukraniti is silent about stables. We read only that horses are well-kept in watered lands,* and that stables for horses should be built in the northern side9 of the palace. Kautilya deals with the subject very elaborately and treats of the ventilation, sanitation,3 accommodation of the houses to be built for the horses. As for the trappings, we have noticed them in connexion with grooming. One of the 64 Kates is the preparation of saddles4 for horses, elephants, bulls and camels. The instrument by which the horse is to be controlled is the bridle or reins, which has been elaborately described.6 For cleansing purposes an instrument with seven sharp teeth8 is used. Section 14. Elephants. In modern India elephants are used principally and solely as draught- animals. The following extract from Lieut-Colonel G. H. Evans’ Elephants and their Diseases1 would give an idea of the uses to which they are put: "Elephants may conveniently be divided into two classes, namely,— (a) timber-elephants, (b) baggage or travelling elephants. Timber-elephants, again, may be divided into two classes, namely, (i) trained tuskers, (ii) trained males and females. Well-trained tuskers have at all times commanded a good price ; they are much more useful, both in yards and forests, as with their tusks they can ‘oung\ i.e , butt and stack timber, carry butts and planks, assist in getting logs over obstacles or in clearing blocks in creeks. * * * Though tuskers are largely employed in dragging operations, still most of such work is generally performed by tuskless males and females. Most Burmese elephants are trained to timber-work, and to some extent to carrying baggage.” In ancient and mediaeval India, however, the elephant force constituted a special and characteristic feature of the Animal-corps Alexander had to en- counter on the Hydaspis a Hindu army which was remarkably strong in its elephant-force. Megasthenes’ description of the capture of elephants is one of 1 Sukra IV, vii, 349-50. 4 Sukra IV, iii, 194. 2 Sukra I, 451-3. 5 Sukra IV, vii, 341-44. * Law’s Hind. Pol., pp. 38-39. “ Sukra IV, vii, 346. 7 Pp. 7-8 (published by Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1910), the earliest pieces of literature on the subject.1 “One of the four well-known divisions* * of the old Hindu army was the elephant-force * * 0 There has been on record many a battle in early Indian history in which elephants carried the day.’’ It is not strange, therefore, that the animal should have drawn towards it the attention of Hindu poets, scholars, Ayurvedists, artists, politicians, &c., from the earliest times. We have already noticed the vast literature on the life, habits, medical treatment, &c, of elephants. It may also be noted that the elephant is very abundant in, and almost a characteristic fauna of, India. The abundance of the animal and its nearly uniform “ distribution ” throughout the land, account for the considerable uses made of it by kings in every part of the country and the impression made upon the thought of the people every- where. Besides their distribution in present times along the foot of the Himalayas as far west as Dehra Dun, forests between Ganga and Krisna, Western Ghats, Mysore, and Ceylon, “there is evidence'1 that about three centuries ago elephants wandered in the forests of Malwa and Nimar, while they survived to a later date in the Chanda district of the Central Provinces. At the comparatively remote epoch, when the Deccan was a forest tract, they were probably also met with there.’’ The rearing up of a good breed of elephants was recognised as one of the special cares of Chandragupta’s Government. “ The killing of an elephant was visited even with capital punishment.”* Kautilya has treated the subject elaborately in Arthasastra. But Sukracharyya has paid more attention to horses than to elephants or the other animals in the army. (a) Mettle and worth. According to Hindu writers, the appreciation of elephants like that of horses depends on the following considerations i) measurements of limbs, (2) certain external characteristics and internal temperament, (3) marks or omens, (4) places of origin. Sukracharyya has not touched the last two, and has dealt with the first two items very summarily. The general physiognomical and other features of elephants that are much appreciated can be known from the following remarks : (1) The best of all elephants® is one which has long cheeks, long eye- brows and long forehead, has the swiftest speed, and has auspicious marks on the body. (2) Harmful elephants are those that have blue palates, blue tongues, curved tusks or no tusks, who persist long in their angry moods, whose rut gushes out without any systematic order, who shake their backs, who have less than 18 nails, and whose tails touch and sweep the ground.6 ' Book III, Fragment XXXVI. 1 Law’s Hind. Pol., p. 47. 1 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, Vol. 9, p. 200. * Law’s Bind. Pol. i Sukra IV, vii, 88-84. " Sukra IV, vij, 04-67, A modern writer1 on the subject enumerates the following points of a good elephant which may be compared with those given by the ancient Hindu author : medium height, a good big barrel, skin soft and wrinkled (described by Burmans as crocodile skin), the head massive, full cheeks, and a broad forehead ; the ears large, eyes bright and kindly, and free from opacity or excessive flow of tears ; the trunk of good length, broad at the root, and blotched in front with pinkish coloured spots. The neck short, thick and full ; chest broad, the back straight and broad, broad loins ; short forelegs, convex in front (i.e., set up like a lion). The hind quarters full, sloping well down and supported by thick short limbs. The pads of the feet hard, nails smooth and polished, action free, paces fast and easy ; the tail should be of good length, free from hardness, and provided with a good tuft of bristles.” The tests of Varahamihira of the 6th century A. D. are given in the fol- lowing lines taken from the 67th chapter of Brihat Samhita,* called ‘character- istics or features of elephants ’: (1) “ The elephant w hose lips and mouth are red, whose eyes resemble those of the sparrow, whose tusks are shining, grow upwards and have sharp ends, whose face is large and long, whose backbones are like bows, long and invisible, whose mastakas (round protuberances on the temples) are covered with hair and resemble the turtle, whose ears, mouth corners, navel, forehead, and genital organs are large, whose body resembles the turtle, whose nails are 18 or 20, whose trunk has three lines and is round, whose tail is beautiful, and whose juice (when in rut) is felt to be of good smell when the animal blows through its trunk, will bring on wealth. (s) The elephant whose tail is long, trunk red, roar like that of clouds, and neck large, long and round, will bring wealth to a king. (3) Non-rutting elephants, those which possess extra or defective organs, those which are lame or short, or whose tusks resemble the horns of the sheep, whose testicles are visible, those which possess little or no trunk, whose mouth corners are brown, blue, black, or of different colours, those which possess very little hair about the face, those which have no tusks, those which have no virility, female elephants possessing the features of a male elephant produce misery.” These and sundry topics of economic importance in connection with elephants have been dealt at length in the 36th chapter of Book IV of Sivadatta’s Palakapya. Hindu tradition, as we have just seen, attaches much importance to the number of nails. The following remarks of Evans throw much light on this ques- tion : “ Some animals have four nails on each foot ; this decreases their value, as five nails on each foot raises the same ; four on each of the front feet and five on the hind ones does not interfere with their value. Out of a total of 1 Evans : Elephants and their Diseases, pp. 8-10. 7 Iyer’s Brihat Samhita, Part II pp. 98-99. 86 62 ^ Indian, Burmese, and Siamese elephants, only three possessed twenty nails1 JtnJL, 500 had eighteen i loqsixteeni—— and 16 seventeen toes 5—5 4—4 4—4 5 4 11 4—4 ' It would appeal-, therefore, that the very fact of 18 and 20 nails being rare has had something to do with the worth of animals among the Hindus. We incidentally notice here the minute observation of limbs and other features of animals that was a characteristic of Hindu intellect. (b) Omens. The auspicious marks have been referred to in Sukraniti, but have not been described. The Brihat Sanihila has enumerated some of the omens con- nected with elephants which may be interpreted to indicate prosperity or adver- sity of the owners. A few remarks apply equally to horses and elephants. Certain special points applying only to the latter, e.g., those connected with the cutting, breaking, etc., of the tusks are being given below;2 "(1) If the cut be white, smooth, glossy and emitting good scent, there will be prosperity. All that I now proceed to state about the breaking of tusks applies also to the dropping down, becoming thin and loss of colour. (2) “ If the elephant be found to walk unsteadily, if its ears cease to move, on a sudden, if the animal be of dejected appearances or if it be found to put its trunk to the ground or to breathe softly and long, if the eyes be full of tears, if the animal be found to sleep always or to be restive or to refuse to eat pro- perly, or to pass excrement or urine often, there will be misery.” Burmese tradition on the subject has been recorded by Evans in Elephants and their Diseases.* “ The following peculiarities in some animals reduce their value, as they are regarded with superstitious dread by the Burmese. It is thought that the ownership of such creatures may cost their masters loss of life or substance: (1) A loose fold of skin, descending from the throat down to the forelegs.” (2) Moving head up and down and simultaneously from left to right. (3) Swinging the trunk only to the left and right. (4) Restlessness of the whole body somewhat after the fashion of bears. (5) Holding the trunk up in the air and putting it into the mouth.” (c) Breeds. The Hastisaslras have handed down various systems of taxonomy, both economic and more or less zoological. In Sukraniti we have only one system of terminology and classification. “ There are four classes* of ele- phants in order of merit: (1) Bhadra—(a) “ that which has tusks coloured like honey (i.e., not 1 Elephants and their Diseases, p. 12. ■j Iyer’s Brihat Samhiti Part II. pp. 212-13. 3 pp. 11-12. 4 Subra IV, vii, 68. pure white, but yellowish, which is strong and well-formed, is round and fat in body, has good face and excellent limbs ; ”1 * * (A) “ the height* or stature is seven cubits, length eight cubits, and girth or circumference of the belly ten cubits.” (2) Mandra—(a) “ that which has a fat belly,* lion-like eyes, thick skin, thick throat and thick trunk, medium limbs, and a long body(A, height4 * six cubits, length eight and girth nine. '(3) Mriga—(a) “ that which has small or short throat/ tusks, ears and trunk, big eyes, and very short lips and genital organ, and is dwarf;” (A) height five cubits,6 * length seven cubits and girth eight cubits. (4) Misra—(u) “ that which has these’ characteristics in mixture,’’— a non-descript, incapable of being specified as belonging to a particular type, (A) no measurements given.8 It would appear that the ‘artificial’ classification given here is meant only to indicate by technical terms the permutation and combination of external characteristics previously mentioned. Varahamihira also recognises these four classes of elephants in Chapter LXVII, but describes them in a slightly different® manner. The second class is called by him manda and not mandra, and the last sankirna and not mist a. The measurements given by him agree with those in Suhraniti except in the following rule recorded by the latter " But it is mentioned10 by sages that the lengths of the mandra and bhadra class would be equal.” The additional information in Brihal Samhild is about colour of the animals : — (1) The Bhadra is of green colour and is a rutting animal. (2) The Mandra is of yellow colour. (3) The Mriga is of black colour and is also a rutting animal. (4) The Sankirna is of mixed colour and a rutting animal. About the height of elephants11 Evans makes the following remarks : — “ Extravagant estimates of the height of elephants have from time to time been recorded ; their great bulk so far exceeds that of the ordinary animals we are accustomed to see that the tendency is to overestimate their size. The old method of measuring was also most misleading ; a rope was simply thrown over the back, the ends brought to the ground on each side, and half the length taken as the height. Much amusing information on this subject is contained in Sanderson’s excellent work. Madras elephants, he tells us, were at one time 1 Sukra 1Y, vii, 69-70. z Sukra IV, vii, 79-80. [N.B.—In elephant measurements, 8 yavas=l angula. 24 angulas—1 kara or cubit. In horse-measure, 5 yavas=l angula, Sukra IV, vii, 77-8, 85.] s Sukra IV, vii, 71-72. 6 Sukra IV, vii, 81-82. 4 Sukra IV, vii, 81-82. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 75. ‘ Sukra IV, vii, 73-74. 8 Sukra IV, vii, 76. 8 See the original Sanskrit Text in the Bibliotheca Indica Series, edited by Kern (Calcutta, 1865), pp. 388-40 »° Sukra IV, vii, 82 11 Elephants and their Diseases, pp. 4-6 said to be from 17 to 20 ft. high, and an animal of Dacca was said to be 14 ft. Mr. Corse, a gentleman thoroughly conversant with elephants * 0 0 was rather surprised to find that according to his measurement the animal said to measure 14 ft. did not exceed 10 ft. in height (a very good height). We may take it on the authority of Sanderson * * * that such a thing as an elephant measuring 10 ft. at the shoulder does not exist in India, nor may I add, in Burma. The largest male he ever met with measured 9 ft. 10 in. and the tallest female 8 ft. 5 in. * * 0 Of 300 elephants measured in this Province the average height was 7 ft. io| in. 0 * All these animals were measured at the shoulder as is done with horses.” It is evident from the above that the Indian method of measuring heights is different from that of measuring animals at the shoulder. Therefore, the extraordinary height attributed to Indian elephants by people as well as scholars of Hindusthan, is quite natural and perfectly explicable, and in fact does very well tally with the statistics recorded in modern times. According to the Hindu authorities the bhadra or the best class attains a height of 7 cubits or io| ft., and the mriga or ordinary class has a stature of 5 cubits or ft., and this, measured not by the new method, but the old Indian method. If the heights of the old method be reduced to the new standard, the Bhadra would be very much under io§ ft. i.e., about 8 or 9 ft.; and the Mriga would be about 5 or 6 ft. We should therefore be inclined rather to think that the Hindu writers have understated the highest stature attain- able by elephants ; for, as we have just seen, the Dacca elephant measured 10 ft., and the average elephants measure generally 7 ft. ioi in. ; i.e., the ordinary animals are equal to the highest classes mentioned in the standard Sanskrit works on elephants. Abul Fazl records the Hindu tradition of the four classes of elephants in the Ayeen Akbari,1 — that Imperial Gazetteer of India in Moghul times: “ The natives of Hindusthan hold this animal in such estimation that they consider one of them as equivalent to 500 horses. 0 * * The price of an elephant is one hundred to a lac of rupees. Those of five thousand, and of ten thousand rupees price, are not uncommon. * * * There are four kinds of elephants. Behder (Bhadra) is that which has well-proportioned limbs, an erect head, broad breast, large eyes, and a long tail, with two excrescences in the forehead resembling large pearls. These excrescences are called in the Hindovee language Guj Manik, and many properties are ascribed to them. Another kind called Mund (Mandra)has a black skin, and yellow eyes ; is bold and ungovernable. That called Murg (Mriga) has a whiter skin, with moles, and its eyes are of a mixture of red, yellow, black and white. That called Mirh (Misra) has a small head, and is easily brought under command: Its colour is a mixture of white and black resembling smoke. And from mixtures of the above kinds are formed others of different names and properties.” 1 Part I pp. 146-147 (Translation published in 1788), It should be remarked that Kautilya’s Artliasastra does not enumerate these four classes ; his silence may probably be taken to mean the absence of the idea in th£ 4th century B. C. But the Yukti-kalpataru, also, a work later than Brihal Samhita, which treats of elephants, horses, cattle, &c., and mentions the eight classes of elephants called Diggaja, e.g., Airdvata/ Pundarika, &c., with their characteristics as well as the four classes, e.g., Brahmana, Ksatriya, &c., does .not record the four-fold distinction noted in Sukranlti and Brihat Samhita. So the mere silence of Kautilya is no evidence against the absence of the tradition in his times. The number four seems to have been a favourite with Hindu authors in thinking of classes. For corresponding to the four castes in social life we have four classes of elephants and also four classes of wood. Thus “according to the Briksa Avnrveda* * ov the Science of Plant-Life (Botany) four different kinds of wood are to be distinguished : the first or the Brahmana comprises wood that is light and soft and can be easily joined to any other kind of wood ; the second or the Ksatriya class of wood is light and hard, but cannot be joined on to other classes ; the wood that is soft and heavy belongs to the third or Vaisya class ; while the fourth or the Sudra class of wood is characterised bv both hardness and heaviness.” The classification of breeds according to the places of origin has not been mentioned in Sukraniti, but recorded by Kautilya : “ The sources of supply of elephants3 were the following places : (1) Kalinga, (2) Anga, (3) Karusa (eastern portion of the district of Shahabad in Behar) supplying elephants of the best quality ; (4) Prachya (east), (5) Dasarna (modern Mandasore), (6) Aparanta (wes- tern countries, viz., Konkan and Malabar), supplying elephants of medium quality ; (7) Surastra (Guzrat) and (8) Panchajana (in Northern India), supplying elephants of inferior quality.” The following extract from the Ayeen Akbari would also furnish informa- tion regarding some aspects of the Economic or Commercial Geography of Mediaeval India : " Elephants are taken in the following places. In Agra, in the wilds of Begavan, and Nerwar, as far as Berar. In the Subah of Allahabad ; near Ruttenpoor ; Sirgetchch ; the Subah ofMalwa; Hattendeyah ; Achowd : Chundary ; Suntwass; Bijegurh ; Roysan ; Hosengabad ; Gurh ; Haryegurh ; in the Subah of Behar on the Borders of Rohtas ; at Jharkhend ; and in the Subahs of Bengal and Orissa, particularly at Satgong, there are great numbers. The best elephants are those of Tipperah.” 1 Two of these eight names have been referred to in Sukra II, 256-58 2 His tor 11 of Indian Shipping (Longmans, Green & Co.), 1912 by Prof. Radhakumml Mookerji, p. 20. The money-value of elephants, according to the statistics supplied by the Sukra authors, is indicated below : (1) Good elephant1 (or horse) costs 2,000, 3,000, or 4,000 rupees. (2) The elephant3 that is unrivalled in strength, height, fight and mada (rut) is priced at 2000 niskas [Niska is the value of gold weighing 4 nidsds; and in estimating the value of elephants, 5 ra/is—i masa] or Rs. 6,666. We have already noticed the remarks of Abul Fazl about the high prices of these animals. Evans’ remarks on Prices are given below : “ Prices vary according to age, good points, temper, training, and length, thickness, and sweep of the ivory. 15 * * A full-grown well-trained tusker will command as much as Rs. 7,000 and a well-trained female as much as Rs. 5,000. Elephants that are trained to baggage work or slightly to timber may cost Rs. 4,000.” These are known to be high prices. Information in Sukraniti regarding the rations, grooming, exercise, training, medical treatment, stabling, &c., of elephants is very scanty, almost nothing. Some of these items have been but casually noticed, as we have seen previously. Thus we read: (1) One should bring friends and foes to submission by appropriate methods as snakes, elephants and lions are tamed. '1 (2) The elephant, the horse, the bull, the child, the wife and the parrot get the qualities of their teachers through association.1 The art of training has been mentioned among the subjects that should be studied by the man who is to be in charge of elephants.5 We have also read previously of professions connected with the capture of the animals. There are two kalds* — one relates to the driving or guiding, and the other to the teaching or training. The Arlhasaslra1 gives more details. About capture of the animals we are told that the captors, taking with them five or seven female elephants roamed about in the summer—the season for the capture of elephants—in the forest, and traced the whereabouts of herds of elephants by folllowing the course of their dung and urine, and by observing their footmarks, the spots where they reposed, the banks of rivers, lakes, &c., they damaged. Kautilya divides elephants into four classes according to their training: (1) Damya—those that are being trained. (2) Upavcihya—those trained for riding, &c., in times of peace. (3) Sannahya- trained for war. (4) Vyala—refractory and difficult to be broken, because of obstinacy, perversity, bad temper, &c. (d) Training and Management, 1 Sukra IV, ii, 198. 1 Sukra IV, ii, 200-6 * Sukra IV, i, 48-49. 4 Sukra III, 582-0. 5 Sukra II, 256-9. “ Sukra IV, iii, 166. There were several clearly marked out stages in the process of taming. For war purposes the elephants were taught seven kinds of movements ; for riding they were taught eight movements The movements for military purposes are :— (1) Upastli&na—rising, bending, jumping over fences &c. (2) Samvartana—turning. (3) Samyana—moving forward straight or transverse or making ser- pentine movement. (4) Vadhavadha—killing and trampling down. (5) Nagarayana — assailing forts and cities. (6) Hastiyuddha—fighting with other elephants. (7) Sangram’ka — other cognate movements relating to war. The elephant is governed by the hook1 which has two teeth, one for movement forward, and the other for movement backward. About stables Sukracharyya says nothing. We are only told that ele- phants are well-kept in forests.* * The sixth chapter of the 4th Book of Palakdpva describes in prose the nature of the soil, the direction, the size, shape, doors, &c of the stables suitable for elephants : and the 5th chapter of the second Book advises great precaution in allowing visitors into the hasHsalds for fear they might cause damages to the animals by administering poisons, &c. The effects of poisons on various substances, animals, milk, fire, &c., are treated here quite elaborately. In connexion with the housing arrangements should be noted also the religious ceremonies for the propitiation of the gods described in the last two chapters of the Book IV. Kautilya’s treatment of stables3 in the Arthasastra is full enough. “ There were two sets of stables, one in the fort, and the other outside ; in the former were kept those animals that had already been trained for war and riding, and in the latter those that were being trained, together with the refractory animals. An elephant stable urns twice as high as the length of an elephant, and its width was half its height; it was made to face either the north or east, had separate apartments for female,elephants, had a spacious corridor, &c.” Section 15. Bulls and Camels in Sukranili. The celebrated Sanskrit manuscript, called Yukti-kalpataru, has several sections devoted to animal-life. Three of these relate to Bulls and Cows their character, merits and defects. There are two methods of classification adopted in this treatise with regard to Bulls : (1) into Brahmanas, Ksatriyas Vaisyas and Sudras, and (2) into Satwika, Rajasika and Tamasika. Information supplied by Sukra authors is very meagre. We read — (1) Bulls get the qualities of their trainer through association.1 1 Sukra IV, vii, 339-40. * Sukra IV, vii, 349-50. 3 Law’s Hindu Pol. p. 51. 4 Sukra III, 582-3. (2) The price of a bull' with good horns, fair colour, sufficient strength, which can carry burdens and can walk fast, and which has the height of eight talas is Rs. 480, (3) The bull is controlled by the string which passes through the nose.* (4) Bulls are well-kept in watered lands.3 Regarding camels we are told — (1) The high price of camels is known to be that of the buffalo,4 i.e., Rs. 56 or Rs. 64. (2) The good camel6 is one which can go 30 yojanas (120 or 210, or 240 miles in one day. Its price is 100 silver palas or Rs. 800 (3) The camel, like the bull, is governed by the strings.® (4) Camels, like elephants, are well-kept in forests.1 * The following are the remarks of Abul Fazl about camels : “From the encouragement given by His Majesty, there are now bred in Hindusthan camels that excel those of Turan and Iran. “ A number of these animals are selected, and always kept ready to fight for diversion. The head Khaseh camel, named Shah Pussend (the king’s choice), and who is a native of Hindusthan, has for the space of 12 years conquered all antagonists. “Camels are bred in the following places : Ajmere, Judhpoor, Nagore, Beyganur, Jalmeer, Hetinda and Tahresir ; and in the Subah of Gujrat, near the province of Kutch are great numbers and very fine. But in Sind are the greatest abundance. The swiftest camels are those of Ajmere, the best for burden are bred in Tatah ” * * * Camels do not live above 24 years.’’ The Ayeen Akbari gives details about the daily rations of camels according to age, their furniture, methods of training and anointing them, the adminis- trative staff in connexion with this branch of Imperial live-stock, and prices, etc. The Hindus had been for ages skilled in the training and management of camels. And it appears that the camel-post was one of the Moghul institutions for the conveyance and transmission of news : “ Reybary is the name given to a tribe of Hindus, who are skilled in the management of camels. They teach the Hindu Look (species of camel) to travel at a great rate. Although for the speedy conveyance of intelligences postmen are stationed at every five cose (10 miles) from one extremity of the empire to the other, yet a great number of these camel riders are continually in waiting at the palace to carry order.” About Bulls the Ayeen Akbari gives the following information : “ Throughout Hindusthan the ox is esteemed lucky and held in great venera- tion. Every part of the empire produces good oxen, but those of Gujrat are 1 Sukra IV, ii, 194-195. J Sukra IV, vii, 345. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 349-50. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 198. 4 Sukra IV, ii, 201-2. “ Sukra IV, vii, 345. 7 Sukra IV, vii, 349-50. esteemed the best. These will travel 36 miles in the course of 24 hours, and they are swifter than the generality of horses. Sometimes a pair of them are sold for 100 rnohurs, but they are very commonly of 10 and 20 mohurs. There are also abundance of fine oxen in Bengal and the Deccan, that will kneel down to be loaded. Many cows at Delhi give daily 20 quarts of milk each, and are sold for more than 10 rupees. His Majesty has a pair of bullocks which cost 500 rupees. In the neighbourhood of '1 ibet and Kashmeer, are the Katars, which are of a very extraordinary appearance. This animal lives seldom above 25 years. Section 16. The Anatomy of the Vertebrates. (a) Hindu Literature on Human Anatomy. Like mineralogy, Botany, and Zoology, the Anatomy of the Hindus lies scattered through all branches of Hindu literature, Vedic, Pauranic, Tdntric, Medicinal, Astronomical, and Sociological. The Hindus have described five hundred muscles,—four hundred in the extremities, sixty-six in the trunk, and thirty-four in the region above the clavicle. They knew of the ligaments, sutures, various vessels and nerves, lymphatics and nerve plexuses, seven layers of skin, Manasadbara or Fascia, Medhadhara or Adipose tissue, Raktadhara or Vascular tissue of bloodvessels, Pittadhara or Mucous membrane of the digestive canal, Slesmadhara or Synovial membranes, etc. There are allusions to Vapa (pericardium), Hridaya (heart), Fusfusa (lungs) Yakrit (liver). Pliha (spleen), Vrikka (kidneys), Mastiskam (brain), Adhipati (medulla),1 etc. Any tubular structure is called by them a uadi or vessel. But they dis- tinguish three sorts of nadis: (1) Dhamani (artery) carrying wind, (2) Sira (vein) carrying blood, (3) Srota (canal), including the large and small intestines, ducts of the various glands, lacteal vessels, etc. 1. The Nervous System of the Tantras. The contributions of the Hindus to anatomy are recorded in many non- medical works,—e.g., the Tantras—the last phase of Yoga philosophy in India— the records of Hindu culture in mediaeval times. It is only very recently that the Tantras have begun to be edited and translated.* But in 1885 one of these documents of Hindu allegorical literature and mystical lore, viz., the Shiva Samhita, was translated into English by Rai Bahadur Srischandra Basu. In his Prize Essay on the Hindu Svstem of Medicine published in the Guy's Hospital Gazette of London (1889), Major B. D. Basu, I.M.S, referred to the anatomy of the Tantras in the following words : " When these Tantras ' Tlie Ayurvedic System of Medicine by Dr. Suraanb B. Mehta of Baroda (Navsari, Bom- bay, 1913), and Dr. Gananath Sen’s Medical Science in Ancient India (Sahitya Sabha, Cal- cutta, 1908). 2 See the Tantrik Texts Series, edited by Avalon, and Mahanirod hi Tantra translated previously by Manmathanath Datta, recently revised by Avalon (Luzae & Co., London 1913.) 34 will be studied by oriental scholars, as closely as they have explored other branches of Sanskrit learning, the anatomical knowledge of the ancient Hindus shall be better known to the world ; ” for, according to him, “ better anatomy is given in the Tantras than in the medical works of the Hindus.” From Shiva Samhita now republished in the “ Sacred Books of the Hindus Series,” we learn that the Hindus were acquainted with the spinal-cord and the brain. They knew that the central nervous system is composed of grey and white matters. They discovered the central canal of the spinal cord, and traced its connexion, through the fourth and third ventricles, with the lateral ventricles of the brain. They call it Brahmarandhra, or the dwelling-house of the human soul. The same Tantric work gives a description of the several ganglia and plexuses of the nervous system. The brain is said to be composed of Chandrakala, or convolutions resembling half-moons. The nervous system of man is in fact more accurately described in the mystical Tantras than in purely medical treatises. In a paper on the Anatomy of the Tantras, originally published in the “ Theosophist” of March 1888, and reprinted in the Introduction to Shiva Samhita in the Sacred Books of the Hindus Series, Major Basu has tried to unravel the mystery of the Yogis and Tantrists regarding the nerves and nerve-centres, and identify the Nadis, Chakras, and Padmas. The following is a reproduction from that paper. The language of the Tantras being too allegorical and too mystical to be understood by the uninitiated, it is very difficult to identify the Nadis, the Chakras, and the Padmas described in them. However, some of the spots are easily identifiable from their simple and lucid description. Thus it is apparent that the “ nectar-rayed moon ” (vide Shiva Samhita, Ch. II, verse 6) is the underpart of the brain ; that “ Susumna ” is the spinal cord ; " Ida ” and “ Pingala ” are the left and right sympathetic cords respectively.1 * * * 1 The Uttar Gitfi. has thus described the relations of these structures (Ch. II, verses 14 and 15) “ The bony column that extends (from the coccyx) to the occiput is called the Brahmadanda (i.e., the vertebral column). Within this is the thin cord Susum- na, which is also called Brahmanddi by the wise. This Susumna is midway between the Ida and Pingala.’5 Another Tantric work named, Sat-Chakra Nirflpanam, has thus described the position of these three Nadis : — “ Outside the spinal canal, on the left is the Ida and on the right is the Pingala, while within the canal and midway between the above two Nadis is the Susumnd, whose structure is like a rope.” Prof. Cowell identifies Susumnd with the coronal artery (vide his translation of Maiteyi-opinishad, p. 270, footnote. Published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal.) While Pandit Rama Prasad Kasyapa, M. A., identifies Susumna with trachea, and Ida and Pingala with left and right bronchi (Occult Science, the Science of Breath. Published at Lahore, 1884). But it is clear from the above description that these three famous Nadis are the spinal cord and the two sympathetic cords. We shall try now to identify some of the nervous structures described in the Tantras :— “ Chitra.”—From the description of this Nadi in the Tantras (Shiva Sam- hita, Ch. II, verses 18-19), it may be identified with the grey matter of the spinal cord. For “ in it is the subtlest ” of all hollows called “ Brahmarandhra,” which is nothing else save the central canal of the spinal cord—a structure whose functions remain as yet to be discovered by the physiologists. The Tantrists appear to have traced its connection with the lateral ventricles of the brain. It has been considered by them to be the seat of the human soul. Even in these days, when it is no exaggeration to say that the Hindus have quite forgotten the scientific truths discovered by their ancestors, they point to the hollow space in the crown of the head (known as the anterior fontanalle) of the new-born child as the Brahmarandhra. Every tyro in anatomy knows that this space contains the lateral ventricles of the brain,1 The “Sacred Triveni ” (Shiva Samhita, Ch. V, p. 52) is the spot in the medulla oblongata where the sympathetic cords join together or whence they take their origin. (Vide Ashby’s Notes on Physiology,—Article Medulla Oblongata). The mystic Mount Kailasa (Shiva Samhita, Ch. V, p, 154) is cer. tainly the brain. 1 Prof. Sir Monier Williams has defined Brahmarandhra to bo “ a suture or aperture in the crown of the head and through which the soul is said to escape on death.” (Sans- krit-English Dictionary.) Now the learned professor's definition explains nothing. Had he consulted the Tantras and known the space called the Brahmarandhra by the modern Hindus, we doubt not his conclusion would have been the same as ours (i.e., he would have identified the Brahmarandhra with the central canal). 2. A Hindu renegade thus delivered his verdict on the anatomy of the Tantras, &c. : “ It would indeed excite the surprise of our readers to hear that the Hindus, who would not even touch a dead body, much less dissect it, should possess any anatomical knowledge at all It is the Tantras that furnish us with some extra- ordinary pieces of information, concerning the human body But of all the Hindu Sastras extant, the Tantras lie in the greatest obscurity The Tantric theory on which the well-known Yoga called “ Shat-chakra-bheda” is founded, supposes the existence of six main internal organs, called Chakras or Padmas, all bearing a special resemblance to that famous flower, the lotus. These are placed one above the other, and connected by three imaginary chains, the emblems of the Ganges, the YamunS and the Saraswati “Such is the obstinacy with which the Hindus adhere to these erroneous notions, that even when we show them by actual dissection the non-existence of the imaginary Chakras in the human body, they will rather have recourse to excuses revolt- ing to common sense, than acknowledge the evidence of their own eyes. They say with a shamelessness unparalleled, that these Padmas exist as long as a man lives, but dis- appear the moment he dies.”—Physical Errors of Hinduism, Calcutta Review, Vol. XI, pp. 436-440. A Daniel has come to Judgment. Did the Hindu renegade take the trouble to com- pare the Chakras with the Plexuses of modern Anatomy ? Had he done so, he would not have talked such nonsense. His paper contains two diagrams, one of the six Chakras and the other of the different viscera as represented by the modern Tantrists, Pachnas and Chakras.-Great difficulty arises in identifying these Padmas and Chakras. What are these structures one is tempted to ask? Are they real, or do they only exist in the imagination of the Tantrists? Though we are unable to satisfactorily identify them, we nevertheless believe that the Tan- trists obtained their knowledge about them by dissection. These terms have been indefinitely used to designate two different nervous structures, viz. :— nervous plexuses and ganglia. But it may be questioned, how are we autho- rized to identify the lantric Padmas and Chakras with either the ganglia or plexuses of the modern anatomists ? Our reasons for doing so are the following : ist.—The position of some of these Padmas and Chakras corresponds with that of the plexus or ganglion of the modern anatomists. 2nd. — These Chakras are said to be composed of petals designated by certain letters, which clearly point to either the nerves that go to form a ganglion or plexus, or the nerves distributed from such ganglion or plexus. 3rd. —Certain forces are said to be concentrated in these Chakras, thus identifying them with the plexuses or ganglia which the modern physiologists have proved to be “separate and independent nervous centres.”1 This Nadi Susumna has six Padmas (Shiva Samhita, Ch. II, v, 27, p. 12), evidently signifying the six nervous plexuses formed by the spinal cord. The description of the thousand-petalled lotus (Shiva Samhita, p. 51) shows it to be the medulla oblongata. We proceed next to the identification of the famous six Chakras of the Tantras :— % i. Muladhara Chakra (Shiva Samhita, p. 44) is the sacral plexus. ii. Swadhislhana Chakra (Shiva Samhita, p. 46). There can hardly be two opinions as to its being the prostatic plexus of the modern anatomists. iii. Manipur Chakra (Shiva Samhita, p. 47) appears to be the epigastric plexus. iv. Anahat Chakra (Shiva Samhita, p. 47) is the cardiac plexus. v. Visudha Chakra (Shiv Samhita, p. 48) is either the laryngeal or pharyngeal plexus. vi, Ajna Chakra (Shiva Samhita, p. 47) is the cavernous plexus. We have very briefly hastened over the six Tantric Chakras. We see that these Chakras are the vital and important sympathetic plexuses, and preside over all the functions of organic life. There can be little doubt that byThe “ contemplation ” on these Chakras, one obtains psychic powers. “ Contemplation ” leads to control over the functions of these Chakras or plexuses. “ The intimate connection between the sympathetic nerves and the 1 Gray’s Anatomy, 10th Edition, great viscera renders it highly probable that the sympathetic system has mainly to do with the organic functions. * * * The sympathetic is the system of organic life.” When one gets control over the s}'mpathetic nervous system, one is the master of one’s body, one can die at will. The heart beats at his will. The lungs, the intestines, nay, all the different viscera of the body, carry on their allotted duties at the command of such a Yogi. Verily, verily, that is the stage of Samadhi. The learned translator has treated only of the five externalities of Yoga in his elaborate introduction. He has not dwelt on the Dhyana, Dharana and Samadhi. As “ Pratyahara is not a distinct method in itself, but is a result of Pranayama,” so Samadhi is the stage brought about by the processes of Dhyana and Dharana. As “ by Pratyahara, the subjective world overcomes the objective,” so by Samadhi, the spiritual nature of man stands predominant over the gross physical one. Pratyahara must be clearly distinguished from Samadhi. No more serious mistakes, we think, can be committed than con- sidering the hybernation of the reptiles and other animals as illustrating the Samadhi stage of the Yogis. The hybernation corresponds with the Pratya- hara, and not the Samadhi stage of Yoga. The learned translator has happily compared the Pratyahara stage with the stage of insensibility produced by the administration of anaesthetics, e.g., chloroform (Introduction to the Shiva Samhita, Ch. X, pp. lvii, et seq). But it is a well-known fact that the inhalation of chloroform has little perceptible effect upon the sympathetic nerves. The spiritual conciousness of man is intensified only when the functions of the organic life are brought under his control, and when he can modify and regulate the functions of the different viscera. We repeat that that is the stage of Samadhi. It behoves all students of Yoga and occultism then to gain a clear know- ledge of these six Chakras, from the contemplation of which lie can aspire to attain to the stage of Samadhi. Major Basu concludes thus : “ This is an humble attempt on our part to identify these Chakras, and how far we have succeeded in our task, it remains for those who are abler, and more learned than ourselves to decide. It is passing strange indeed, that the three famous Nadis of the Tantras, vis., Susumna, Ida, and Pingala, which, there cannot be the slightest doubt, form the spinal cord, right and left sympathetic cords respectively, have not as yet been identified by any Orientalist. But we believe that as a Tantric work has been rendered into English, greater attention will be bestowed by Oriental scholars in illumining the dark recesses of the Tantric literature, and it is to be expected that within a not very distant date the Chakras, Vayus, &c., of the Tantras will be more correctly identified.” 2. Osteology. The Hindu system of osteology, so far as human anatomy is concerned, which has been thoroughly investigated by Dr. Hoernle in his learned ‘Studies i?i the Medicine1 of Ancient India ’ can be known from the following works * * A. — The System of Atreya-Charaka :— 1. Charaka Samhita — Sarirasthana, VII adhyaya. 2. The Glosses of Chakrapanidatta. 3. Bheda Samhita—Sarirasthana, VII adhyaya. 4. The Non-inedical version of Yajnavalkya* (III, 84-90). (4th cent. A.D.) 5. The Commentary of Apararkaon „ (India Office MSS.) in 1150 A.D. 6. The Commentary of Vijnaneswara on „ ( „ ,, ) in 1100 A.D. 7. The Commentary of Sulapani on „ ( „ „ ) in the 15th cent 8. The Commentary of Mitramisra on „ ( „ „ ) in the 17th cent. 9. The Non-medical version in the Institutes of Visnu3 (200-400 A.D.) 10. Vaijayanti, or the Commentary of Nanda Pandita on Institutes of Visnu, in 1622 A.D. 11. The Non-medical version in the Puranas3 —(i) Agnipuratja (369th chapter), and (ii) Visnudharmottarapurana (Part of Garudapurana) which has been quoted by Ballala Sen in Donasagara (1100 A.D.) 12. The Non-medical version in the ‘ Anatomy ’—the anonymous work called Sariram (Tubingen University Mss.) B. —The System of Susruta :— 1. Susruta Samhita—Sarirasthanam. 2. Sarira Padmini (Mss. in the possession of Dr. Cordiar). 3. Commentary on Sarira Padmini by Vaidyanatha. 4. Bhavaprakasa (Jivananda’s edition of 1875, PP. 40-4»)* C. —The System of Vagbhata I : — 1. Astanga Sangraha (Bombay, Vol. I, p. 244, 11. 3-13.) Z?.—Miscellaneous Texts 1. Susruta and Vagbhata on muscles— (a) Susruta Samhita—Sarirasthana, Ch. V, cl. 33. (b) Dallana’s commentary extracted from Jivananda’s edition, p. 578. (c) Vagbhata I, (Bombay) Vol. I, p. 225, 11. 20-21. 2. Susruta on Dissection. 3. Susruta on Homology in Sarirasthana, Ch. Vi, cl. 29. 4. Susruta and Vagbhata on the Eye-ball — (a) Uttaratantra, Ch, I, verses 166, 17a. (b) Astanga Sangraha —Sarirasthana, Ch. V, Vol. I, p. 233,1. 10. 5. Bhoja on nalaka or reed-like bones, as reported by Dallana (Jiv., p. 576) and Gayadasa. 1 Published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1907. 1 See pp. 185-242. * “The Law-Book of Yajnavalkya is the original source of the non-medical version, from which it passed into the Institutes of Visnu and into the two Purfinas.” Hoernle, p. 44. 6. Dallana on the aggregate ten (Jiv„ p. 576) 7. Susruta and Vagbhata on the number of kurcha. 8. Susruta and Vagbhata on the number of ankles. 9. Susruta on the position of cluster and cluster-head. 10., Dallana, Gangadhara and Nanda Pandita on the collar-bone. 11. Susruta and Vagbhata on the position of scapula and clavicle. 12. Susruta on the number of scapula and clavicle. 13. Susruta on Amsakuta. 14. „ ,, Amsapitta. 15. Rajanighantu and Amarakosa on Bhaga. 16. Susruta and Vagbhata on Jatru and Griva. 17. Susruta, Vagbhata and Madhava on the Valmika disease. 18. Susruta on Urdhvvajatru and Jatrurdhwa. E.—The System of the Vedas:— 1. The Satapatha Brahmana1 on the Total Number of Bones and Bones in the Head and Trunk (X, 5, 4, 123 ; XII, 2, 4, 9-14). 2. The Satapatha Brahmana on Costal Cartilages (VIII, 6, 2, 7, 10). 3. The Atharva Veda on the Sekleton (X, 2, verses 1 -8), The ‘wonderful structure of man ’ is thus described in the Atharva Veda* * (X, 2): “ 1. By whom were brought the two heels 'of a man ? by whom was his flesh put together? by whom his two ankle joints? by whom his cunning fingers? by whom his apertures ? by whom his two uchlakhas in the midst ? who put together his footing (pratislha) ? “2. From what, now, did they make a man’s two-ankle-joints (gulpha) below, his two knee-joints above ? separating his two back-thighs (janghd)1 where, forsooth, did they set them in ? the two joints of his knees—who indeed understands that ? “ 3. There is joined, four-fold, with closed ends, above the two knees, the pliant trunk ; what the hips are, the thighs,—who indeed produced that, by which the body became very firm ? “4. How many gods (and) which were they, who gathered the breast, the neck-bones of man ? how many disposed the two teats ? who the two collar-bones ? how many gathered the shoulder-bones ? how many the ribs ? “ 5. Who brought together his two arms, saying “ he must perform heroism ” ? what god then set on his two shoulders upon the body ? "6. Who bored out the seven apertures in his head ? these ears, the nostrils, the eyes, the mouth? in the might of whose conquest in many places quadrupeds (and) bipeds go their way. 1 Hoernle’s Indian Med., pp. 105-6. * See the translation and notes in the Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 8, pp. 567-72. Dr. Hoernlo’s translation on pp. 110-11 of his work differs slightly from this. 7. Since in his jaws he put his ample tongue, then attached to it great voice ; he rolls greatly on among existences, clothing himself in the waters : who indeed understands that ? “8. Which was that god who (produced) his brain, his forehead, his hind head, who first his skull, who having gathered a gathering in man’s jaws, ascended to heaven ? * Its composition is traditionally ascribed to Risi Ndrayana, author of the famous hymn on the sacrifice of man (called Purusa-sukta), perhaps also a medical man responsible for certain formulae, e.g., the recipe for the preparation of a medicated oil in Bower MSS. Part III. 3. Varahamihira. To the above survey of Hindu anatomical literature we should also add the non-medical treatment of the human body in LXVIII chapter of Varahamihira’s Brihat Samhita. This chapter on the physical features of man called Purusalaksanam2 begins thus : “ A learned person shall examine a man’s (1) Ksetra (body), (2) Mrija (complexion), (3) Swara (voice), (4) Sara (strength), (5) Samhati (joints), (6) Sucha (gloss), (7) Varna (colour), (8) Anuka (shape of the face), (9) Unmana (height), (10) Mana (weight), (11) Prakriti (disposition), (12) Gati (gait) and then predict his fortune.” We meet in this chapter with such terms of human anatomy as nails, heels, sinews, ankle, shanks, thighs, knees, loins, abdomen, sides, belly, navel, skin, nipple, bosom, collar-bones, neck, arm-pit, shoulders, arms, fingers, wrists, palm, thumb, fore-finger, chin, lips, tongue, face, ears, cheek, nose, eyes, brows, temples, head. Appendix C. 4. Dr. Seal on Hindu Physiology and Biology. For .Seal’s notes on Hindu Ideas about Nervous System of Tantras, Vital Force, Heredity, &c., see Appendices. (h) The Scientific Value of Hindu Anatomy. A By a comparison of the Vedic osteological system with those of Atreya- Charaka and Susruta, Dr. Hoernle proves (1) The “ system of the Atharva-Veda more nearly approaches the system of Atreya-Charaka than that of Susruta ; ” and belongs to the “ semi-mythical period of the history of Indian medicine.” (circa jooo B.C.) (2) In the time of Yajnavalkya, the traditional author of Satapatha Bralimana, who is said to have flourished at the court of Janaka, king of Videha, contemporary of King Ajatasatru and Buddha, i.e., about 500 B.C., “ both the medical schools of Atreya and Susruta were in existence;” and “he possessed some knowledge of their respective theories on the skeleton. 1 The remaining verses of the hymn refer to the ‘numerous things dear and not dear,’ ruin, pleasure, &e., and altogether give a complete picture of social, political and moral aspects of human existence. 2 Sanskrit Text in the Bibliotheca Indica (Calcutta, 1865). As for Vagbhata’s osteological system, Hoernle proves that the principle on which his list of bones is constructed is “ to take the list of Susruta as its basis and add to it such items of the list of Charaka as do not occur in it,” and that it is really a 44 combination of the two.” The scientific value of Hindu anatomy would, therefore, depend on that of the osteological systems of the two principal schools of medicine. 44 Ac- cording to modern anatomy,1 there are about 200 bones in the adult human skeleton. The early Indian anatomists, on the other hand, count either 360 (Atreya) or 300 (Susruta) bones. This large excess is principally due to the fact that (besides including the teeth, nails and cartilages) they counted prominent parts of bones, such as are known as 4 processes ’ or 4 protuber- ances,’ as if they were separate bones.” As for the difference in the systems of Charaka and Susruta, Dr. Hoernle remarks : 2 44 The statement of Dr. Wise (Hindu System of Medicine, p. 52) that the 4 difference [between Susruta’s total 300 and Charaka’s total 360J is owing to their counting the cartilages with the bones ’ is hardly correct. Both writers include cartilages in their counts, though in different ways. The difference in their totals is mainly due to Charaka’s counting the 32 sockets of the teeth as separate bones, and his including the 20 nails, neither of which are admitted in the count of Susruta.” In the third section of his work, that on the anatomical identifications, Hoernle’s verdict on the Hindu systems of osteology is given. He says : 44 I'he views of the early Indian anatomists are surprisingly accurate. This is due to the fact that they were accustomed to the practice of preparing the dead human body for actual examination, and that, therefore, their views were the direct result of an experimental knowledge of the skeleton. It is true that the compendium of Charaka contains no reference whatever to the practice of human dissection ; and it must, therefore, remain doubtful whether, and to what extent, that practice was observed in the school of Atreya. But there can be no doubt as to the practice being known and observed in the school of Susruta, for his compendium contains a passage 5 which gives detailed instructions regarding the procedure to be adopted in preparing a dead body for anatomical examination.” The following remarks from his Preface may also be quoted : 44 Probably it will come as a surprise to many, as it did to myself, to discover the amount of anatomical knowledge which is disclosed in the works of the earliest medical writers of India. Its extent and accuracy are surprising, when we allow for their early age —probably the sixth century before Christ—and their peculiar methods of definition. * * * * No satisfactory knowledge of human anatomy can be attained without recourse to human dissection * * * It is worthy of note, however, that in the writings of neither of these two oldest Indian medical writers is there any indication of the practice of animal 1 Hoernle, p. 115. The explanation for counting in this manner has also been given. J P. 81. * The passage occurs at the end of the fifth chapter of Sarirasthana, vide Hoernle pp. 116-117, 225-226. 88 dissection. The only mention of an animal subject is in connexion with train- ing in surgery. Thus ‘puncturing’ is to be practised by the medical pupil ‘on the veins of dead animals and on the stalks of water-lily,’ similarly, 4 extricat- ing,’ on the pulps of various kinds of fruits and ‘ on the teeth of dead animals.’ (c) Propagation op Anatomical Knowledge in Hindu India. In ancient and mediaeval India the knowledge of anatomy, whether ele- mentary or advanced, was extensively diffused. There are reasons to believe that it was almost universal and not confined only within the circle of students and young men, called Brahmacharis, who received lessons in one or other of the various types of educational institutions. It was scattered broadcast through conventions, traditional usages, canons or rules of art and industry, social and religious practices, Tantric rites, and numerous popular ceremonies among the millions whose vocation in life was no nobler than what in terms of modern socio-ecomomic science may be grouped under (a) mechanical or automatic manual work, (b) responsible or intelligent manual work or even (c) mechanical or automatic brain-work. The reasons are not far to seek. It is superfluous to remark that it is the numerous schools of Hindu medicine that have preserved and more or less developed the medical knowledge and literature of India through the ages. In every part of the country these have been the direct fountain heads of anatomical research and investigation, and have propagated through their professoriat and alumni, whose number has ever been considerable, the knowledge of the parts of the human (as well as animal?) body among the lay non-medical community at large. The importance attached by ancient Hindu thinkers to anatomical knowledge is to be gathered, however, from the provision they made for its inclusion in the curriculum of studies even for those scholars who would not specialise in Ayurveda. We are thus led to surmise that they wanted to make it an integral part of the liberal education of non-medical Brahmacharis also, and to form an estimate of the pedagogic theory that underlay their educational movements. There is no doubt that, under the regulations of the Hindu Universities of ancient and mediaeval India, a course of anatomy had to be offered by students of law (and social science), Theology as well as of Astronomy (and Astrology). The incorporation of anatomical chapters in some of the traditional text-books on Smriti Sastras, Dharma Sutras, Puranas, Jyotisa, &c , and the commentaries on them by successive schools of scholars who were generally non-medical men, undoubtedly point to the facts — (1) that even those who would not study Ayurveda did not go without a few lessons in anatomy (something like the 4 short-term courses’ in modern western Universities), (2) that even non-medical men had sufficient knowledge of the subject to write commentaries on the medical topics in the treatises on Law, Sociology, Religion, &c. (3) that the anatomical chapters of non-medical Sdstras corresponding to the anatomical primers and handbooks of modern times, had an important position in the literature of Hindusthan ; and, as integral parts of social and religious works, which may be looked upon as more or less the Encyclopedia Indicas, found a place in every man’s library. We have already noticed in connexion with the survey of Hindu anatomy, what Hoernle1 2 calls the “ Non-medical version ” of Atreya-Charaka’s System of Osteology. This non-medical version is found (a) in two religious text-books, viz., (1) Visnudharmottarapurana and (2) Agnipurana, and (b) in two legal text-books, (1) Yajnavalkya Uharma Scis/ra and (2) Visnu Smriti. There are certain particulars with regard to the incorporation of anatomical chapters in these works which point to the recognition of their importance to non-medical students by those responsible for it. In the Institutes of Visnu “ the passage is in no way required by the context * * incorporated into the text from some other work.” Hoernle be- lieves “ the passage was inserted into the Institutes by some one who was familiar with the Mitaksara3 commentary on the Law-Book.” The prose statement in Visnu is only a paraphrase and “otiose amplification” of the metrical section in Yajnavalkya. Again, a comparison of the 369th chapter, called Sarirdvayavah, or Parts of the Human Body, in the Agnipurana with the chapter on Anatomy in the Visnudharmottarapurana shows that about two- thirds of its contents are “literally plagiarised from it.” “The Law-Book of Yajnavalkya is the original source of the Non-medical version, from which it passed into the Institutes of Visnu and into the two Puranas.” Without entering into a discussion of the differences in the anatomical knowledge displayed in these non-medical treatises, it would be sufficient for our purposes to remark that the tendency of incorporating medical chapters with non-medical works. (1) began as early as at least the 4th century A.D.), when Yajnavalkya, author of the celebrated Smriti, is supposed to have flourished; (2) that it has been kept up by latter-day professors of Theology and Sociology, e.g., (i) in the Visnudharmottara (at least as early as 1100 A.D.), (ii) in Visnu Smriti (at any rate before 16223 A.D.) and (iii) in the Agnipurana (at the latest 1650 A. D.) ;3 1 Pp. 40-46. 2 “ Whoever drew up the list as we find ifc in the Institutes, did so on the basis of Vijnaneswara's interpretation; and accordingly the introduction of that list in the Institutes cannot be placed earlier than the date of Vijnaneswara, that is after 1100 A.D. Seeing that the Institutes of Visnu. appears to be often quoted in the Mitak§ara, it does not seem impossible that the appearance of the list in the Institutes is due to Vijnaneswara himself. ” Hoernle, pp. 59-60 3 These dates refer to the introduction or interpolation of the anatomical chapters in the works, not to the general body of the works themselves. and (3) that it has been preserved by the efforts of successive schools of lay commentators to explain the medical ideas, according to the culture of the ages in which they lived, eg., (i) Vijnaneswara (Mitaksara, c. 1100 A.D.), (ii) Apararka, who though a near contemporary of Vijnaneswara (1150), holds an independent view in the interpretation of Yajnavalkya, (iii) Sulapani (15th cent.) and (iv) Mitra Misra (17th century), both following the lead of Vijnaneswara. The same conclusion is arrived at by the fact that a small manuscript, called Sarira,1 or anatomy, has been discovered in the collection preserved in the Tubingen University Library. Its age and author are unknown. Its versified contents are compiled from many different sources, some of which are quoted by name, eg., Charaka, Yogamuktdvali, Kauldvali, &c. Its statement on the Skeleton is taken from the Law-Book of Yajnavalkya, though the source is not named. But an important error of Yajnavalkya “ was detected and corrected by the unknown author of the Anatomy''' The extract from the Brihat Samhita quoted previously also points to the intimate association of anatomy with general Hindu literature and its place in the scheme of education in Jyotisa (which is not equivalent to what in modern times is called Astronomy, but includes Astrology, Mathematics and many other topics of a social and economic nature). From the very definition of the scope and province of Jyotisa and of its three branches—Hora, Tantra and Anga- vinischaya — as well as the description of the Jyotisaka,' or the man versed in Samhita, Astronomy, and Horoscopy, it would be clear that at least such know- ledge of anatomy, physiology, and embryology, as furnishes a working idea of the parts of the body, the nativity, external features of man and animals, is an essential item in the equipment of the students of this science. From considerations like these relating to the scope of Hindu literature on non-medical subjects we are reasonably led to believe that in ancient and mediaeval India no Hindu Brahmachari was left without the knowledge of a little anatomy; and that the references to limbs or features of human or animal life that we meet with in poetical works, Silpasastras, Tantras, sacrificial and religious catechisms, or allegorical, moral and didactic treati- ses are not due to commonplace observations that may be expected of the man in the street, but presuppose, in the absence of evidences to the con- trary, the education received by the poets, priests, moralists, story-tellers, scientists and scholars, in their Brahmacharya Asram. It is this universality of the anatomical instruction imparted by the gurus or professors to their pupils which explains the popularisation of knowledge about parts of the body among the community, and its influence on the arts and industries designed to imitate or reproduce human beings or animals. It is this, again, which has left its mark on the Theory and Philosophy of Hindu Art including Architecture, Sculpture and Painting. The ‘masters’ are very strict in their injunctions that the sculptors and painters should follow with 1 Fcernle, pp. 01-622-67. 1 See the first two chapters of Brihat Baryhitd. religious and mathematical accuracy, the anatomical measurements laid down by them regarding the construction of images of gods and their vahanas or con- veyances or symbols. - These canons of Hindu art prove (i) a thorough knowledge of anatomy on the part of the promulgator and (2) their desire to perpetuate and propagate, through more or less durable embodiments, the national ideals of beauty in art as consisting in the closest conformity of artists with the specimens of sym- metry and order exhibited by Nature in her great museum of the living universe. Once presented in art, the canons became conventional and have been traditionally followed by sculptors, painters, artists and craftsmen, even by those among them who had not received theoretical or demonstrational lessons in anatomy at schools, from books or from professors. And, besides satisfying the spiritual sense of generations of devoted spectators, both educated and illiterate, these images and works of plastic and other arts have served for them the double purpose of anatomical models as well as object-lessons in aesthetic perfection being at once the national schools of religious, secular and artistic education and culture. (d) Human Anatomy in Sukraniti. The Sukra authors must have had adequate knowledge of human and animal anatomy, as is evident from their care in noting, according to the injunctions of specialists in art-literature, the features of the body in the section on images of gods, and also the external characteristics of animals in the treatment of the economic topics connected with them. The names of the parts of the human body, and their measurements according as the images are to be 7, 8, 9, 10 or 12 talas (feet) high, will be described in the chapter on the Data of ancient Indian art. Here we shall mention the anatomi- cal features described by Sukracharyya in the section on the animal-force of the Hindu state. (1e) External Anatomy of Horses, Elephants, &>c. It is only the horse that has been fully described in Sukraniti. The Sukra authors have given the measurements of the limbs of horses, most probably, as it would appear, to help sculptors in their art. For say they : “If an image1 is to be made, the appropriate pattern or model should always be placed in front. No image can be made without a model. So the artist should frame the limbs after meditating on the horse, and finding out the measurements and attributes of horses in the manner indicated above.” The place of animal-anatomy in Hindu art is quite clear from this extract. But Sukracharyya intends these measurements to be remembered also by non- artists, i.e., lay men, whether merchants or rulers or warriors in their sales and purchases of horses. The general remarks on the quality of horses as known from the proportion between the parts of their body are given in IV, vii, 85-95. We have to remember two things about horse-measurements t— (1) 5 yavas = i angula. (2) The limbs of horses are to have a fixed proportion to the face. The quality of horses is indicated thus : — The best horse has a face of 24 angulas. Second class ,, „ 36 „ Third class „ „ 32 „ Inferior or ordinary „ 28 „ Ordinary horse-measurements are given below:— Height or stature ... ... ... 3 faces. Length ... .. ... ... 4i „ Girth ... ... ... ... 3+3 angulas. The following are the measurements of the 28 angula-type of Horses (i) Heights. 1 1. Heel or hoof (Sapha) 3 angulas. 2. Ankle-joint or fetlock (Manivandha) 4 „ 3. Foreleg or shanks (Jaiigha) ... 20 „ 4. Knee (Jdnu) 3 „ 5. Fore-thigh or elbow (Urn) 14 „ 6. Thigh to neck 38 „ 7. Hind thighs (Uru) ... 28 „ 8. Hind legs (Janghd) 21 „ 9. Neck 1 (ii) Lengths.a 18 „ 1. Neck (Grivd) 60 angulas. 2. Body (from end of neck to organ) 60 „ 8. From organ to end of vertebral column... 18 „ 4. Tail (Puchchhadandu) 14 „ 5. Genital organ 14 „ 6. Testicles 14 „ 7. Ear 6, 4 or 5 angulas 8. Mane or hair of neck" 1 cubit. 9. Hair of tail5 1| or 2 cubits. 10. Eye0 ... (iii) Circumferences.'’ 3 or 4 angulas. 1. Heel or hoof 15 angulas. 2. Ankle-joint 71 ' 2 if 3. Foreleg or shanks n 4. Fore-thigh 11 ,» 6. Hind thigh 88 „ 6.‘ Hock of the ankle-joint 9 „ 7. Hindleg n „ • Sukra IV, vii, 103-108. 4 5 0 Sukra IV, vii, 118-122. ’ Sukra IV, vii, 109-115. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 90-101. 1 Sukra IV, vii, 104. 8. Forepart of neck1 ... 32 11 9. End of neck s ... 46 19 10. Forehead 3 ... 36 11 11. Face at the nose below the eye 4 ... 19 ,» (iv) Distances, breadth, width or space. 1. Between two thighs at the back 1 angula. 2. The neck on which hair grows ... 1| 11 3. Ear ... 3 or 4 angulas 4. Breast... ... 19 11 5. Eye ... 2 or 1\ 11 6. Between two thighs ... 9 >> 7. „ „ eyes ... 5 11 8. „ „ ears ... 5 „ 9. „ eye and ear ... 5 11 10. „ two heels ...6, 7, &c. 11 11. „ two pupils of eyes... ... 9 11 12. „ „ eye-brows ... 9 11 13. „ eye and nose ... 9 11 14. „ two nostrils ... 3 11 15. „ arms at breast ... 4 11 16. Lower lip ... n 11 17. Upper lip ... 9 11 18. Between back and breast ... 1| cubits. About Elephants the following measurements are given in IV, vii, 77-84. [V. B— 8 yavas =1 angula 24 angulas=i cubit.] Bhadra. Mandra. Mriga. Height ... 7 cubits. 6 cubits. 5 cubits, Length ... 8 „ 8 „ 7 „ Girth ... 10 „ 9 „ 8 ,, About Bulls Sukra authors record the following measurements in IV. vii, 299-302 :— Girth = 4 times face. Height+hump = 3 „ Length = 3J „ The best animal has 7 talas or feet in height. The good height of camels is known to be 9 talas or feet.6 00 Dentition and Age 0/ Animals. The following table gives the duration of the periods of youth,6 manhood and old age, as applied to the five principal vertebrates : — Maximum age. Youth. Middle age Man ... 100 years. 20 years. 60 years. Elephant ... 100 „ 20 „ 80 „ Horse ... 34 „ 5 „ 16 „ Bull ... 25 „ 5 „ 16 „ Camel ... 25 „ 5 „ 16 „ The age of both bulls and horses is to be known from the growth and colour of teeth.1 There is no information about the tusks of elephants. The whole dental structure of horses is thus described in the Fauna of British India :— “ Dentition : Incisors Canines |=J. Premolars |=|, Molars Canines generally wanting in females. There is sometimes an additional small ante- rior upper premolar. The incisors have a flat crown, with at first a deep hollow in the middle ; this (the “ mark ” in horses) disappears with age.” It is evident that Sukracharyya, in describing the changes in the development and colour of the six teeth as the guide to the age of horses, is referring to the Incisors or Anterior teeth. This is the practice recognised by the modern science of equine dentistry also. The structural changes in the Back teeth, called Molars or Grinders, afford a very good index of the age of the horse up to the period when they are completed, namely, four years old. But after the fourth year the molars are not often taken into consideration in determining the age of the horse. Further, these six incisors described in Sukraniti do all belong to the lower jaw. Fitzwygram also in his chapter on ‘ age,’ as indicated by teeth, confines his remarks to the incisors of the lower jaw, “ as the structural changes which take place in the upper are nearly similar. ” The distinction between Temporary or Milk Incisors and Permanent Incisors, as given by Sukra authors, both as regards the time of development and discolouration, is also borne out by modern science. “The discolouration is due to the lodgement of the juices and other matters connected with the food in the grooves.” The following extract from Horses and Stables coroborrates the Sukra theory of Dentition stated in IV, vii, 315-20 : “ The foal is born with his teeth in a rudimentary state in the gums. * * * The yearling is complete in all six incisors (315), but several well-marked signs distinguish his mouth from that of the two years old (316). * * * A few months before 3 years old the horse sheds the two centre milk-teeth which are replaced by perma- nent * * * A few months before four, the horse sheds the two next milk- teeth which are replaced by permanent (318). * * * A few months before five the horse sheds the two remaining milk-teeth which are replaced by perma- nent (319.) Thus the jaw is now furnished with six permanent incisors.” After the dental structure is complete, the guide to the age of horses is colour, as detailed by Sukracharyya in IV, vii, 320-324. This is the modern theory also. Says Fitzwygram: “ At and after six, we are compelled to have recourse to the indications given by the marks and other slight but gradual alterations which take place in the form of the teeth and their position. * * * The mark is in a constantly changing condition.” 1 Sukra IV, vii, 314. 2 Pp. 418-19, The science of equine dentistry has been treated by the authors of Aswa- vaidyaka and Aswachikilsita published in the Bibliotheca Indica Series. There is a general agreement between Sukr^charyya, Jayadatta and Nakula as regards number, colour and development ol the teeth as well as their help in the determination of age. Jayadatta deals with the subject in the 4th chapter, and Nakula in the 5th chapter of their works. The traditional order of colour ‘ black, yellow, white, glass, honey, and conch ’ works. is the same in all the three The changes in the colour of horses’ teeth according to age, as indicated in Sukra IV, vii, 315-25, are given below :— 1st year ... white. 2nd „ black and red. 3rd—6th year black. 6th—0th „ ... ,, 9th—12th „ ... yellow. 12th—15th year white. 15th—18th „ glass. 18th—21st „ honey. 21st—24th „ conch. Since 24th year1 the teeth get loose and separated and begin to fall down every three years. The horse that has attained full age gets three cir- cular rows on the upper lip. The age is to be considered low in proportion as the rows are less. Regarding the dentition and age of bulls* we read :— (1) All the eight white teeth of bulls grow in their 4th year. The two extreme teeth fall down and are replaced in the 5th ; in the 6th, the next two ; in the 7th, the next two; and in the 8th, the central two. (2) Every two years the teeth get black, yellow, white, red and conch- like in order. Then their looseness and fall commence. Thus each colour lasts for two years. And as all the teeth get finally rep- laced in eight years, the colour changes up to the 18th. It is evident that Sukra- charyya means the eight incisors of the lower jaw; as would appear from the dentition of the Bovide described by Murray in the Vertebrate Zoology of Sind : “Teeth of two or three kinds. Incisors eight below. Molars six on each side in each jaw. Canines more or less developed. Front of upper jaw toothless.” Sukra authors say nothing particularly about camels. We are simply told that the age of camels has to be understood from considerations like these.3 Section 17. Organisation of the Veterinary Department in Sukra Polity. In the previous sections we have dealt with what the Sukra authors have recorded about the Zoosphere of their country in both its biological and 1 Sukra IV, vii, 325-7. 2 Sukra IY, vii, 332-37. 3 Sukra IV, vii, 338. 30 economic or utilitarian aspects. We have found that the main references in Surkaniti to the live-stock of the land are from the standpoint of the state, especially its military department. The live-stock as belonging to the people have been but casually noticed and have to be inferred from the incidental analogies and illustrations and from the passing remarks in connexion with revenue, agriculture, commerce and industries. It is, therefore, natural that the authors should supply some information about the management and adminis- tration of the Veterinary Department in their state. The Veterinary Department of the Sukra state does not, however, attend to the military live-stock exclusively, though details about this only are available in Sukraniti. It is an organisation addressing itself to the needs of the total live-stock of the state, agricultural cattle, draught-animals, the Fauna in the Zoological Gardens or State Forests, as well as the Animal-Corps, and may be taken to have been divided into two branches, Civil and Military. The administrative machinery of the Sukra Polity consists of a highly differentiated Bureaucracy divided into special Departments or Bureaus for the management of executive affairs. The Veterinary Department (Civil and Mili- tary) is one such Bureau presided over by one of the highest Executive Heads called Ministers or Secretaries, and supervising, guiding and controlling the work of varying grades of officers entrusted with the charge of sectional and sub-sectional affairs. The hierarchy from the menials at the lowest rung of the official ladder to the highest functionary through intermediate grades of officers is complete in the Veterinary as in the many other departments of the Sukra state. The Sukra Polity recognises io Prakritis1 (Executive Councillors, Depart- mental Heads, Ministers or Secretaries). These are (i) Purodha (Priest), (2) Pralinidhi (Viceroy), (3) Pradhana (Superintendent, Chief Secretary or Prime Minister), (4) Sachiva (War Secretary), (5) Mantri (Foreign Secretary or Diplomatist), (6) Pandila (Learned Adviser or Law Secretary), (7) Prad- viveka (Chief Justice), (8) Amatya (Land Revenue Secretary), (9) Sumantra (Finance Minister), (10) Duta (Ambassador or Spy), in order of precedence and dignity. Sukracharyya states another theory2 according to which the Prakritis are 8, excluding the priest and the spy. But according to him “ the priest3 is superior to all others—-the mainstay of the king and the kingdom,” and the spy* 1 is a “servant of the rest.” The priest and the spy are thus too important to be ignored in the enumeration of the Prakritis. So Sukra authors reject the Doctrine of Eight Councillors. The organisation of the Veterinary Department is typical of all the rest in the symmetrical and scientific scheme devised by the Sukra statesmen. The picture presented in Sukraniti is not one of a simple primitive political life in which the man in the street is fit to be a judge, a warrior and a ruler by turns 1 Sukra II, 141-143. 1 Sukra II, 145-47. s Sukra II, 150. 4 Sukra II, 140. as in the ancient city, states, but one of a complex organisation which requires specialised functionaries for the discharge of its functions, and hence demands of each a specialised training as Judge, Financier, Commander, etc. The department of the veterinary interests of the state is managed in the following way : — I. —The King is not a mere “dignified part” of the Sukra constitution. Besides serving the purpose of an ornamental figurehead, he has to discharge several important functions, and is thus an “efficient part also. According to the Code of Education for princes the king is bound to be a good sportsman. So far as the Veterinary Department is concerned, “ he has to spend one muhurta (48 minutes) at dawn in exercises over elephants, horses, &c., spend four muhurtas over (among other things) writing orders relating to the army, spend two muhurtas in consultation with the Chief Justice and other ministers, the same period in hunting, &c„ one muhurta over military exercises, &c.” The king’s contact1 2 3 with the department of live-stock is further advised in the following lines : “ He should every morning and evening exercise himself with elephants, horses, chariots, and other conveyances. And he should learn as well as teach the military arrangements of soldiers. He should sport with tigers, peacocks, birds, and other animals of the forest, and in the course of the hunting should kill the wild ones.” The following rules’ bring out, again, the very important function of the king in Sukra Polity generally, and in its Veterinary Department in particular : “ The ministers are likely to be dumb (i.e., silent) through the passions, cupi- dity, and fear of the king. The king should receive in written form the opinions of each separately with all his arguments, compare them with his own opinion and then accept the will of the majority. The king should every day examine the elephants, horses, chariots, cattle, servants, officers, provisions and soldiers, and preserve or maintain the able and give up the very old.” II. — The Sachiva (War-Minister) and his Council : (a) The main brunt of the administration of the veterinary interests of the state falls, of course, on the War-Minister, the Sachiva. The constitutional position of ministers or Prakritis in the Sukra state and their relations with the king as well as among themselves need not be discussed here. We have to note simply that one of the many items of business that come up before, and have to be administered by, the Portfolio of Sachiva, is that 1 See the king’s daily routine and time-table of work framed by Sukracharyya 1,551-570. Fide also I, 660, 670-3. The king’s important position in the administration of justice has also to be noted. All these topics will be treated at length in Vol.II. (Political). 2 Sukra I, 663-666. It may be noticed here that Kamandaka also in his Niti Scistru provides for a regulated exercise with the wild games, &e„ in State Forests, though he is very particular against the vice or vyasana of hunting, s Sukra I, 730-35, relating to the Civil and Military sections of the Veterinary Department of the kingdom. Thus we read that “ the Sachiva1 has to study the elephants, horses, chariots, foot-soldiers, camels, oxen, bandsmen, &c., * * * ancj communicate the result of his studies to the king.” (b) Like the other Prakritis or Ministers, the War-Minister, also is not to be alone in his jurisdiction. Like the Pradhana and others, the Sachiva is to have a council consisting of two members besides himself: “ The king should always appoint three men* for each department—the wisest of them all at the head and two others as overseers, for 3, 5, 7 or 10 years, and, having noticed each officer’s qualifications for the entrusted work, should make the necessary changes.” This War-Council with its President, the Sachiva, is thus the real focus of responsibility regarding the Veterinary Department. III.—The officials of “ generalised ability ” (and of higher rank) : (a) The administrative system of Sukracharyya. is highly specialised, as we have noticed above. With regard to the Veterinary Department the rule is that the king should appoint separate officers as "the heads or Superintendents1 2 3 of elephants, horses, cattle, camels, deer, birds,” &c. The Civil Service Regulations applicable to all the officials in the State are indicated by the following: (i) “As the officer becomes qualified4 * for the higher and higer functions, he should be appointed to the higher and higher posts. At the end he should be a Prakriti (i.e., one of the 10 highest Executive Councillors), (ii) The king should appoint many overseers, superintendents, or only one officer, without any overseer at all, according to the importance of the jurisdiction to be managed.8 (b) The superintendents in charge of the live-stock6 may be recruited from, among others, the members of the royal family. (c) The Superintendents or the higher grade office-bearers (something like the Gazetted Officials of modern times) of the Veterinary Department are being described below. These are to have the qualifications for understanding the general interests bearing on the species of live-stock in the charge of each. (i) The Superintendent of Elephants'' (adhorana) : The man who knows of (i) the various species of elephants, e.g., Prabhadra, Air^vata, Pundarika, &c., (ii) their treatment, diseases and art of rearing them, (iii) the methods of training them, (iv) who can discover and distinguish their qualities by studying the roof the mouth, the tongue, the nails, &c., (v) who knows how to mount them and guide their movements should be appointed to take care of elephants;9 1 Sukra II, 181-90. 4 Sukra II, 234-35, 2 Sukra II, 220-24. ' Sukra I, 699. a Sukra II, 237-38. 7 Sukra II, 256-59. 4 Sukra II, 232-33. 8 According to Kautilya this officer called Hastyadhyaksci has two functions : (1) to see that the Elephant-Forests are well-protected (by the officer called Nrfyavanapala and his ministerial staff), and (2) to superintend the internal managements in the Elephant stables and the proper training by experts. This second function only has been described by Sukra. for he is sure to captivate their heart. This officer must have graduated in the whole science of Elephants in both theoretical and practical, as well as biological and economic branches. (2) The Superintendent of Horses (aswadhipati). I he man (i) who knows1 * of the feelings of horses, and (ii) can discover and distinguish their qualities by studying their breeds, colour and feathery rings, (iii) who knows how to guide, train and treat them, (iv) and is aware of their mettle, spirit and diseases, (v) who knows what is good and bad nourishment for them, (vi) who knows of their weight, their gait, their capacity for bearing weights, their teeth and their age, (vii) and who, besides, is valorous, an adept in military parades and is wise, should be appointed to the superintendentship of horses. The qualifica- tions for this officer are a thorough mastery in the whole science relating to horses and horse life. (3) The Superintendents of Bulls and Camels corresponding to those of Horses and Elephants, and Officers of the same grade relating to agricul- tural cattle, Birds and other species of Live-stock have not been described in Sukraniti, but may be inferred to have been such persons as were well-quali- fied in the sciences bearing on the Fauna in question. IV. —Experts, ministerial officers and menials : The officers and men connected with the actual tending and management of live-stock must be specialists in the narrower range of duties classified according to the principle of the Division of Labour. They need not be well up in the solution of general problems affecting the department or have a wider and more comprehensive outlook than what is absolutely necessary in attending to the ‘ details ’ and minuter points of their work. They are what in terms of modern social sciences would be called the men of “ specialised skill.” As a matter of fact, Sukra knows them to be specialists in the two kalas or arts,4 vis., of (1) driving and (2) training horses and elephants, &c. About the appointment of such experts and skilled men, i.e., staff of the lower rank, vis., in the Veterinary Department, we have the following rules:— (i) Those men are to be masters of goats,3 sheep, cows, buffaloes, deer, &c., who are skilful in tending and rearing them and who have love for these animals. (ii) Of like qualifications there should be appointed men to serve ele- phants, camels1 &c. (iii) Other officers are those of a warlike disposition, who know how to domesticate birds,® teach parrots, and know when hawks fall victims to arrows as well as the inward feelings of these animals. 1 Sukra II, 260-63. : Sukra IV, iii. 166. 3 Sukra II, 297-98. 4 Sukra II, 299. Sukra II, 300-302. (iv) Regarding horses Sukra authors mention three classes of skilled1 staff:— (0) The sadi or horseman is he who is brave, versed in military parades and battle-arrays and knows of the movements of horses, &c. (b) The siksaka or trainer of horses is he who (a) knows of the 11 kinds of horses’movements: (i) Circular (2) galloping, (3) prancing, (4) trotting, (5) jumping, (6) speedy, (7) slow or sluggish, (8) tortuous, (9) serpentine, (10) rolling or revolving, (11) galloping at full speed; and (3) can break them according to their strength and the uses to which they would be put. (c) The sevaka or groom is he who can serve the horses well, who knows how to place the saddles, &c., and who is able-bodied and brave. In this organisation of the Veterinary Department we have to notice :— (1) the fact that it is, as in modern states, administered by the Military Portfolio, (2) the principle of scientific administration that underlies the whole Bureaucratic organisation of modern politics. This is illustrated, in the case of Sukraniti, as we have just noticed— (a) horizontally, by the introduction of specialisation and differentiation of functionaries through a careful division of functions, and (b) vertically, by the gradual introduction of greater and greater degrees of complexity and generalisation into the work of upper grades from the simple, homogeneous, specialised functions of the lowest man at the bottom, e.g., the groom. It is not possible from Sukraniti to form an estimate of the expenditure on the Veterinary Department. But the Arthasastra supplies substantial in- formation about salaries, wages, fines, rations, &c. The following extract from Mr. Law’s Hindu Polity gives a few more members of the Cavalry-Staff, as well as a few rules that obtained under Charidragupta Maurya pertaining to the Department of Live-stock: “The grooms (Sutragrahaka), those who bound them in stables (aswavandhaka), those who supplied meadow grass (ydvasika), those who prepared the meals of horses (vidhapachaka), those who watched the stables (sthanapalaka), those who dressed the hair (kesakara), and those who detected poison (jangulividah) were liable to a fine of a day’s wage for neglect of duty. These jangulividah were the grooms, the cooks and the veterinary surgeons, for it was they who had to taste the food of the horses.” The two lists of officers given below are supplied by Kautilya : (a) Relating to the capture of elephants : 1. Nagavanapala (superintendent of elephant forests), different from the Hastyadhyaksa or Adhorana (Sukra) described above. 2. His assistants: i. Hastipaka (driver)’ ii. Padapasika (who slips nooses round the legs), iii. Saimika (boundary guard), iv. Parikarmika (servants for miscellaneous works), v. Vanacharaka (foresters), vi. Anikastha (trainers). (b) Stabling staff : 1. Chikitsaka (doctors), 2. Anikastha (trainers), 3. Arohaka (drivers), 4. Adhorana (experts who can control the paces of elephants), 5. Hastipaka (grooms), 6. Oupacharika (attendants), 7. Vidhapcichaka (cooks), 8. Yavasika (grass suppliers), 9. Padapasika, (who slips nooses round the legs), 10. Kutiraksa (guards), 11. Upasayika (who take care of the animals at night). . ' . . APPENDICES BY Dr. BRAJENDRA NATH SEAL, M,A„ Ph D., king GEORGE V PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA. [It is the privilege of the author to publish along with this work the monographs of Hr. Seal on the mechanical, the physical and the biological theories of the Hindus as well as on the Hindu classification of plants and animals, • It has to be stated with regret that the author could not avail himself of the advantage of discussion with the distinguished savant on the various topics dealt with in the “ Positive Background," and that Hr. Seal's papers reached his hands after the work had been in the press.] 40 - * \ APPENDIX A. HINDU IDEAS ABOUT PLANTS AND PLANT-LIFE. Section 1. CLASSIFICATION OF PLANTS. Charaka :—Plants according to Charaka are divisible into (l) Vanaspatis, trees bear- ing fruit without flowers ; (2) Vanaspatyas, trees bearing flowers as well as fruits ; (3) Ausadhis, herbs that wither after fructification; and (4) Virudhs, other herbs with spread- ing stems. GhakrapAni:—Chakrapani notes in his commentary on Charaka: the Virudhs com- prise two classes (1) Latds, creepers : (2) Gulinas, herbs with succulent (or cactaceous) stems and shrubs. The ausadhis are sub-divided into (1) annuals or perennials, bearing fruit, and (2) plants that wither away after maturing and without fructification, e.y., grasses like the Durva (Cynodon dactylon). Susruta and Daluana :—Susruta’s division is identical with Charaka’s. Dalvana, the commentator, gives some details. The plaksa (Ficus infectoria) and the Udumvara (Ficus glomerata) are given as instances of trees bearing fruits without flowers (vanaspatis). It appears that plants with naked and incomplete flowers (Achlamy- deous plants) were considered as flowerless, as also trees whose flowers like those of the fig are placed on the internal walls of a common receptacle. Of the Briksas flower and fruit-bearing trees, the mango tree, the Jamba tree (Eugenia jarabolana) &c., are given as examples. The virudhs are of two classes—(L) creepers with stems spreading on the ground ( JTcIWf*!: ) and (2) herbs, with succulent (or cactaceous) stems or ^SviMrtTOnTraftrJigT:). Ausadhis are those that wither away after fructification, e.y., wheat, barley &c., Some divide ausadhis into two classes (l) those that wither after bearing fruit, e.y., paddy, linseed, pulses, &c., and (2) plants that wither after maturity, and bear neither flowers nor fruits, e.y., the mushroom, &e. PrasastapddaPras'astapada, the Vais'esika Doctor, classifies plants as follows :—(L) Tri'tas, grasses ; (2) Ausadhis, herbs that wither after fructification ; (3) Lotus, spreading and creeping herbs ; (4) Avatnnas, arboraceous plants and shrubs ; (5) Briksas, trees bear- ing flowers and fruits; and (6) Vanaspatis, trees bearing fruits without flowers. Sridhara Sridhara in the Kandali gives ulapa as an example of a grass, wheat as an example of ausadhi (annual), the ketaki (Pandanus odoratissimus) and the Vijapura (Citrus medica) as examples of avatdnas (Vitapas, arboraceous plants), the Koviddra (Bmhinia) as an example of flower and fruit-bearing tree and the audumvara (Ficus glomerata) as an example of a vanaspati (flowerless fruit-bearing tree). Uduyana Udayana in the Kira tavali notes the kusmduda (a species of Cucurbita) as an instance of a creeper (lata), and the palmsas modifications of the grasses Tri ms. Amara, the lexicographer, in the Vanausadhivarga and the Vaisyavarga (enumeration of wild plants and of food-grains) gives some interesting particulars. (1) The trees (the flowering Briksas and the flowerless vanaspatis) are fruit-bearing, and possess woody stems or trunks — sjrarra^x:). Next come (2) arboraceous plants and shrubs (^, vre:) bearing flowers as well as fruits. (3) The latds are next no- ticed, flowering plants with herbaceous stems, some of them creeping on the ground (nutRni), others succulent (jifaHi), others twining or voluble uut ?mr— Amara. cf. Mukuta, fWi'H'Hid irura *io (4) Next come the ausadhis (in the narrower sense), herbaceous plants, bearing fruit with or without flowers and dying or withering away after fructification. Some instances of kandasaka (tubers, rhizomes, conns) are noticed, e.g., the palandu (the onion the lasuna (garlic, &c. But the graminaceae enumerated in the Vaisijavcirga are the chief instances of the ausadhis—plants that die after fructification. These are cultivated ausadhis, but their affinities with the next class, the grasses (Trigas), are also noted (e.g-i ^ 1 ^1^1 jratcdU1 i *i!sVhivi ^ 'hiu^ls^l). Last are enumerated (5) the Trigas, grasses, of which the characteristic is the formation of gulmas, (culms of grasses with annular knots from which leaves spring— ). It is worthy of note that, in the enumeration of the grasses, the bamboo is considered as a sort of giant grass grass flag, xciw ?g). The reeds (nguy»:) are also placed among the grasses 1 (6) Finally, the Palmaeeie (including the cocoanut, date, areca, and other palms) are classed as Tree grasses, probably because, like the grasses, they are endogens characterised by spikes and parallel veins. 'in.itf+H ^r^fietc. vert ■q ura ^ rtcft nr# ^ ^ —cf. also the Rujanighantii). I may add that Amara places (7) parasitical plants among the latas, (t)^l 1 1 They climb trees and feed upon them. These are to be distinguished from climbing plants, like the guduchi (Tinospora cordifolia), which have separate roots of their own. They are also to be distinguished from the adventitious roots descending from the branches of trees, like the Ficus religiosa, which are,usually termed uvarohas (sra^Tff:). The name siplia is ordinarily applied to the rootlets and suckers by which the tendrils of various creepers are attached to the soil. (sjraT nro : ^srra 1 sjrorai: ftps! 1 um *!ffl 1 11711 ^ —Amara with Blianuji Diksita’s commentary. But the Mukuta notes :—Jrura vgra'H^^ri-iidi 1 The guduchi is also called cuwr^u, ^ The Hindu Materia Medica mentions Ahdsavalli, lit. sky-creeper, a name which seems to have been originally intended for some orchids ; also plava (lit. floating), weeds that float in stagnant ponds, and haivala, mosses and lichens, {e.g., g^Bftewrsiffarei S^Rrl 'flu —Chalcrapagi-Samgraha, also Bhava-Prakasa). These are not classified, but like the mushrooms must come under the Pdkaniytha auijcidhis, Ausadhis that die after maturing, without bringing forth flowers or fruits. Section 2. ELEMENTARY IDEAS OF PLANT PHYSIOLOGY. Characteristics of plant life. The Nydya-vindu-tika of Dharmottara, the Buddhist Scholiast, notices the phenomenon of sleep (contraction of leaves in the night) in certain plants Tra) Udayana notices in plants the phenomena of life, death, sleep, waking disease, drug- ging, transmission of specific characters by means of ova, movement towards what is favourable and away from what is unfavourable juh)—Udayana, ), 1 may add that metaphors drawn from the heliotropic movements of the Suryyamukhi flower are among the stock-in-trade of Sanskrit poetry and belles-lettres. The Jaina writer, Gunaratna, in his commentary on the Shaddarsana-Samuclichayci (circa 1350 A.D.), enumerates the following characteristics of the plant-life : (1) stages of infancy, youth and age, (2) regular growth, (3) various kinds of movements or action, connected with sleep, waking, expansion and contraction in response to touch, also move- ment towards a support or prop, (4) withering on wound or laceration of organs, (5) assimilation of food according to the nature of the soil, (6) growth or decay by assimilation of suitable or unsuitable food as prescribed in the science of the diseases of plants and their treatment (^qiTqq^), (7) disease, (8) recovery from diseases or wounds by the appli- cation of drugs, (9) dryness or the opposite, due to the sap which answers to the chyle (*0 in animals, and (10) special food favourable to impregnation. (rqRjfcd^i^iRqfq' qqi qalsixkqq qqrr^qqqq uqr qq^qraarcrqwfq qqqTqjri qcqqpq^qqqq) Even the Vanaspatis (flowerless, but fruit-bearing trees) may be made to flower (Cf. Varaha- mihira’s recipes for the treatment of plants for similar purposes). (Of. Gunaratna, Tarkaradxasyadipika, Jainumdla, sloka 49). Sankara Misra in the Upnksdra notes as an additional characteristic the growth of organs (or tissues) by natural recuperation after wound or laceration Upaskara, Chap. IV, Ahnika 2, Sutra 5 S. B. H.Yol. vi). Gunaratna gives a list of plants that exhibit the phenomena of sleep and waking : qqiqrqqrqn: —ibid). He also notices the sensitive- ness to touch of plants like the Mimosa pudica viqqqqrn ^fit, which show a manifest reaction in the form of contraction ^ u|7qTrtqir qfeqvfr raqr gqqnqq (ibid). Sexuality. Very vague ideas were entertained as to the sexual characters of plants. The pollen is called Rajas, pu$pa, prasuna,—names which are also applied to the female menstruum - and Amara expressly states that for females and flowers these elements (and the terms signifying them are the same Fak w=i Amara, Vanausadhivarga). Charaka- (Dridhavala), indeed, distinguishes between the male and the female vatsa (or kutaja), considering the variety that bears white flowers and large fruits as male (^) Carnivorous quadrupeds, Gtilidsaya (living in natural caves or hollows, carnivorous Kravydda),—comprising the lion, the tiger, the wolf (of the dog-class), the hyena, the bear, the panther, the cat, the jackal, etc. The carnivora were, termed Vydlas or Kravyddas, and the herbi-vora Pcs us (in a wider sense). (/) Man. The term Jardyuja, in a wider sense came to mean ‘viviparous’ and included the above orders of animals. But the Jain as used the term Jardyuja in a narrower sense to mean only those viviparous animals which come out at birth with the placenta (a-deci- duata). The deciduata (including the Proboscidea, the Rodentia, the lnsectivora, the Chiroptera, etc.) were termed, Potaja, lit., viviparous animals born without placenta. Man, the apes and the carnivora are, however, reckoned with the Jardyuja (viviparous, born with placenta). Perhaps tho after-birth was observed in these cases, whereas the Potajas (deciduata) may have been erroneously conceived to throw off no placenta. Ladyayana appears to have made a special study of the classification of kit as (Insects and Reptiles) and is quoted by Ralvana as a great authority on the subject. The various forms (^q) of kitas are to be distinguished from one another by peculiarities in the following marks (l) Rottings or markings, (2) wings, (3) pedal appendages, (4) mouth, with antennsel or nippers, — Ralvana, (5) claws, (C) sharp, pointed, hairs or filaments (7) stings in the tails, (8) hymenopterous character (9) humming or other noise, (10) size, (11) structure of the body, (12) sexual organs (this is how I interpret linga here), and (13) poison and its action on bodies. cf. cjjjjfvi: T^^TTM: T#: Ttf: smut: r%¥ ’Urft qfeFTt RMTsq# || Quoted from Ladyayana by Dalvana, Kalpasthdva, chapter 8). APPENDIX C. HINDU PHYSIOLOGY AND BIOLOGY". Section 1. METABOLISM.1 The food that we eat contains five classes of organic compounds. From their radicles or predominant- elements, the substances are named Earth-compounds, Ap- compounds, Tejas-compounds, Vayu-compounds and Akasa-compounds. The Earth-com- pounds supply the hard formed matter of the body, the Tejas-componnds give the animal heat (or the metabolic heat), the Vayu-compounds are the sources of the motor-force in the organism, the Ap-eompounds furnish the watery parts of the organic fluids, and the Akasa- compounds contribute to the finer etheric essence which is the vehicle of the conscious life. Roughly speaking, the Earth-compounds answer to the nitrogen compounds in the food, the Tejas-compounds to the hydro-carbons (heat-producing), and the Vayu-compounds to the carbo-hydrates (dynamic). The Ap-compounds are the watery parts of food and drink. The flesh, for example, is a tissue composed pi incipally of the Earth-compounds, the fat of the Earth and Ap-compounds, the bones of earth, Yayu and Tejas compounds. Different operations of the metabolic heat (perhaps different digestive fluids are also meant) are required to digest the different substances in the food. The course of metabolism is described as follows: The entire alimentary canal is called the Mahasrotas (the great channel). The food goes down the gullet by the action of the bio-motor force, the Prdna- Vdiju. In the stomach ( grnusjq ) the food becomes mixed up, first with a gelatinous mucus ( iftwrufi sot ) which has a saccharine taste, and then gets acidulated by the further chemi- cal action of a digestive juice —evidently the gastric juice is meant). Then the bio-motor force, the Samana Yayu, begins to act and drives down the chyme, by means of the Oraliani Nadi to the Pittasaya (duodenum, lit. bile-receptacle) and thence to the small intestines (the ). In these, the bile (or rather the digestive substance in the bile, as opposed to the colouring element) acts on the chyme and converts the latter into chyle ( ^ which has at first a katu taste (pungency). This chyle contains in a decomposed and metamorphosed condition all the or- ganic compounds, viz., tissue-producing Earth-compounds, water-parts or Ap-eompounds, heat-producing Tejas-compounds, force-producing Vayu-compounds, and, lastly, finer etheric constituents which serve as the vehicle of consciousness. The essence of chyle ( ) from the small intestines is driven by the bio-motor force, the Prana Vciyu, along a Dhamani trunk (cf. the thoracic duct) first to the heart (which is a great receptacle of chyle), and thence to the liver (and the spleen) ; and in the liver, the colouring substance in the bile acts on the essence of chyle, especially on the Tejas-substance therein, and imparts to it a red pigment, transforming it into blood. But the grosser part of chyle ( ^ urn ) proceeds along the Dhamanis, being driven by the bio-motor force, the Vydna Vdyu, all over the body. When the blood has been formed, the essence of chyle in the blood, acted on by Vayu (bio-motor force) and Mamsagni (the flesh-forming metabolic heat), forms the flesh- tissue, the Earth-compound of the food substance especially contributing to this tissue. Of the flesh-tissue thus formed, the grosser part goes to feed or replenish the flesh-tissue 1 Extract from my monograph in Dr. Ray’s Hindu Chemistry Yol. II, 42 all over the body. The finer essence of flesh in the blood in the chyle, acted on again by Vayn (bio-motor current) and the fat-forming metabolic heat ( in the menstruum of lymph ( cficfi ), receives viscosity and whiteness, and produces the fatty tissue, the Earth-compounds and Ap-compounds of the food specially contributing to the product. This fat in the chyle (or blood), or rather the grosser part of it, replenishes the fatty tissue of the body, but the finer essence of fat in the flesh in the blood in the chyle, acted on by Vayu (bio-motor current) and the marrow-forming metabolic heat, in the menstruum of lymph ( s[F?is*F!TT3ri ), becomes hard (crystalline), and forms bone, the Earth, Vayu and Tejas compounds contributing principally to the product. The essence of the fat fills the hollow channels of the bones, and acted on again by bio-motor Vayu and metabolic heat, becomes transformed into marrow. The marrow is similarly transformed into the semen, which is conveyed down by means of a pair of Dhamunis or ducts ( ^ ), lodged in its receptacles ( inauro—) and discharged by means of another pair of ducts ( ipwiR ). The semen or rather all the elements in their finer essence, give off ojas which returns to the heart, the receptacle of chyle and blood, and again floods the body, and sustains the tissues, thus completing the wheel or self-returning circle of metabolism ( cf. Charaka and Vagbhata). It is to be noted that, throughout, the fluid in the chyle or blood acts as the mens- truum, though occasionally, the lymph, which is itself a derivative from the chyle, is added, as in the case of the fatty tissue and the bones ; and that each preceding element or constituent of the body ( takes up the proper organic compounds from the food chyle to form the next element or tissue. Throughout also, the chemical changes are due to the metabolic heat whiQh breaks up the compounds and recombines, but the operations and even the* vehicles perhaps of this heat are different. For ex- ample, these heat-corpuscles in the biliary ducts produce the bile, but the bile-secretion is supposed to contain two distinct substances: (l) a digestive fluid in the duodenum ( ) which acts on the chyme to produce the chyle ( urgefinaj' firt ); and (2) a colouring bile-substance in the liver which adds a red pigment to the chyle, and trans- forms it into blood ( )• Besides, there are three other biles, of which the aqueous humour in the eye is supposed to be one ( era ), helping in the formation of visual images )• This is the view of Dhanvantari and his school, but Atreya holds there is no evidence that the bile really performs the first (digestive) function, for this can be accounted for by the animal heat arising from the working of the whole bodily machine. There are three different hypotheses regarding the course of metabolism and the successive transformations of the chyle ( — ravjr vim Chakrapani, Bhanumati, Sutrasth&na, XIV, 10; also his commentary on Charaka, Sutrasthana, XXVIII), but my account is based on the second hypothesis which has the pre- ference of Chakrapani It may be added as a curiosity that each element of the body ( ) under the metabolic heat is supposed to give off a finer essence ( ) which serves as the material of the next succeeding element, and a dross ( ) which forms some of the excreta in the body (including the nails, the hair &c.), besides retaining its own substance (the gross or main part) which is driven along by the Vayus (biomotor or vital currents), or by the srotas, to its destination in the body. Some idea of circulation appears to have been entertained, for the heart which receives, and then sends down, the chyle through the Dhamanis gets it back transformed into blood, and the ojas also proceeds from the heart and returns to it along with the chyle and the blood. (Cf. Vagbliata 31: Rr?T: ?RTcR3l 31131: *31: ) I SFTsfR: qi^pnraqj: I ^3331 RKRT g^fig ;^3R13^331 I Susruta, Sntrasthana, ( hap. 4(5, cf. also, 1^333333131*31 3133: i ?TR33?k 33^3 33 NtT^i4^ i Jl/td, Chap 41. ¥TTITI':3H333t3«3t: T^cqiqj: R3WR1: I qsRifRJpiTTg *3ig *3ig qiPf'qi- frg 3=3^33 | 33R3 3 3 g^for qq?3i *[333113; i qTp/31: qti33i33 sNi: sihjrai 3f3I3l qil3R35T g3JT ?rE 314lR g 311331: I ^33131 gqaJlfel ^sqRisl^jlRr I Charaka quoted by Dalvana. qntT q¥*R*T-33* Rgfpj3lfR33, 353333 3TO 313 F3?lfl^33T 33: I 31331 R3i3Hs33 3f^uf*i3i33 i q^ fqqiRi qi 31311 qf?3ftfvT3T i qnmqqwqRu^ir 3?3ft Risf+p:fl33 I qj^fvqcsRfjqjq JTf3JT^ 3f 3R R31 I *piRTOR13 3^1 RT RiqF3 qq- are: | 3R3?T3c3i 133*11*333 i...q5U3 qqg fq^^g 3133333 i giq^ig- R^TginTgqqqra'qqrraJTR I 33RR131 R33ffl?pTI3T RtIT^T RRrhjT *rt re*3 5^r i 3R3r5i33Ri ^te* ref fiiR-q ^^rf i =3 RRifsiR rtr 3R3i?T- R“33R, feR31 RP3 =3 R?1 gtsf*?3!133 I ^T3^7Rjf33n^I3T RW35 *#5R3nf?K, *3R3 33JR3R3 3133133 331 gfpR I 3RU3 33 RTiq3*RreT R^ R?fR3j: I R3RT 3113 13-3 *3?1 FR31 33: RJ31 I 3: S3f: ^ph' R3133 33: I Charaka-Dridhavala Samhita quoted by Arana in his commentary on Vagbhata. W^gRPtarE* STSIlRRr ^giftaPRl33T3 1 331 ?R R3 5T3R ref r-<3133f3 1 33 *313313 R?3?3ig reRR33 ^5q^?33 3RJ3313 | ref 3 reR*FT33 331^312113 3131* 313313 1331 re RT3II53 RTRRRRTqqRl, ^33=3*13*3133; *R VTT3I ¥133: | ?^f: I P|3TT RT3T ^3^1??33 R33 ?33f?3: ^?R«q5R i.W,' 31333; 53T33T33T R^RRlRfRTRT: R^R^^33T13 ?r3RR!T 1^113 133: R5RTRT3: «3Rr3rf3T3'f?3T '333lPfl: RT^imST ^lft^RJ¥R51T3T RTRIT3 3113 I et seq. This finer essence of chyle which nourishes the flesh is also carried in the blood, on the irrigation channel hypothesis ( 3>ghfl-^r3R3f3 ). Section 2. THE CIRCULATORY SYSTEM. The standing puzzle of Hindu anatomy and physiology is the classification of the Siras, Dhamams, tirotas, the channels, passages, and ducts in the body including the arteries, veins, nerves, lymphatic vessels, etc. The difficulty was felt by the ancient observers themselves. Some were of opinion that the Dhamams and Srotas are only modi- fications of the tiiras, and that the division is artificial. Susruta, however, contends that they are distinct, because they can be traced to different roots and have different func- tions ; they are apt to be confounded, only because they are minute, juxtaposed, and similar in function. (Susruta, Sarirasthana, Chapter IX). Charaka also accepts the established division, but points out that the numbers as estimated are conjectural (gjru^icipiri: Sarirastha.ua, Chapter VII). The Siras, Dhamanis and S rotas form net-works (grwrru) °f cords, fibres, passages, which in the foetus take their rise from the umbilical cord, and proceed, upwards to the heart and head, downwards to the kidneys and rectum, and outwards to the trunk and limbs. These three classes comprise all the vehicles or conductors of the fluids, secretions and currents in the bodily system. The Srotas (currents). This is a peculiarity of Hindu physiology. The chyle, the blood, the Vayu, the metabolic fluid (ftei), the lymph, the fat, the marrow, in every part of the body, is supposed to be connected by moans of subtle currents (Srotas) with the same kind of fluid (or tissue) in every other part. Without supposing such special connections, many pathological phenomena cannot be explained. The Siras are divided into four groups : (1) the arteries for conducting the blood, (2) the lymphatics for conducting the lymph, (3) a class of bile ducts, and (4) a class of ducts for the vHijns, the currents which work the automatic and reflex machinery of the living organism. In each group, there are 10 trunk Siras, which sub-divide into 175 cords, and further ramify minutely all over the body, oven as a net-work of minute fibrils covers the leaf of a tree. The functions of the different groups of Siras are to conduct or transmit the (arterial) blood, the- lymph, the bile, and the (vital) vayu currents respectively to the different parts of the body. The Siras are compared to the conduits of the flowing water in a pleasure-house (a garden), or the channels of irrigation that flood a field. The conduction (or transmission) of the fluids and currents is effected by an alternate dilation and contraction of the vessels, the systolic movement differing according to the nature of the fluid propelled : (hr srftoiRTfr ^ ^irt^- ^ i HiR'r srtutt: i htri JTirvnjV hhr jrrc^4’ ^ i HTRr ^r^g^iR*^ i «=hrt ^ Susruta, Sarirasthana, Chap. VII.) The Dhamanis in the foetus take their rise from the umbilical cord, thus bringing nourishment from the mother. They are divided into three groups : (a) ten trunks or cords going up to the heart, and thence to the head, (b) ten going down to the intestines, kidneys and rectum, and (c) four branching obliquely or sidewise, and ramifying over the whole body. In a general way, it may be stated that the Dhamanis comprise (1) the veins, (2) the nerves (including the sympathetic system), (3) the chyle-ducts (including the thoracic duct) as distinguished from the other lymphatics, which are classed as Siras, (4) the ducts for urine, sweat, and other secretions, and (5) lastly, certain classes of bilo- ducts and conductors of Vayu currents, possibly those connected with the venous system and the chyle-ducts. The first group of Dhamanis: —Special features :—Each of the ten ascending Dhamanis, on reaching the heart, trifurcates, and proceeds to the head. Of these fibres, one pair is engaged in conducting each of the four sensory currents (those of sound, colour taste and smell), from the sense-organs, as Charaka and Susruta must have supposed, to theheart, which is for them the seat of consciousness (g^q Susruta, Sarirasthdna, Chapter IV, %hhiRmh*)=ct Charaka, Sarirasthdna, Chapter VIII). Other Dhamanis, also in pairs, are engaged in conducting automatic (or voluntary) motor currents, (e.cj., the currents concerned in respiration, yawning, sleeping and waking), or the secretions of the lachrymal and mammary glands. The second group of Dhamanis Special functions : The descending Dhamanis go down to the intestines, kidneys, bladder and rectum, and their special function is to convey, in pairs as before, urine and other secretions and excreta. They also convey the chyle from the small intestines to the ascending as well as the ramifying Dhamanis. In addition, some of them convey sweat to the ramifying Dhamanis. The third group : Special functions. The remaining four Dhamanis ramify obliquely over the body into millions of fibres and fibrillse, which terminate in the pores of the skin. From all parts of the periphery, they conduct the sensory currents of touch to the central organ of the heart (including the internal organic sensations). Being con- nected with the pores of the skin, they conduct sweat outwards, and the influences of baths, embrocations, and fomentations inwards. Other Dhamanis serving as chyle-ducts and (venous) blood-vessels :—Besides the special functions performed by the three groups, there is one characteristic function common to certain classes of Dhamanis which are found in all the three groups— vis., the conduction of chyle and (venous) blood, i.e., of blood in the state of chyle, before it gets its red pigment from the liver. It may also be added that the three principal elements of the body, Vayu (vital current). Pitta (bile, or rather the fluid animal heat which produces metabolism, and flows to all the parts of the body by means of connective passages), and Kapha (lymph), make use of the Dhamanis as well as the iSiras and k'rotas, i.e., of all manner of conductors in the organism (cf. Charaka, qmfqri sl-h+Mii qq; gqsjtrvqtwt gqffti €lmD giwicnffi Vimdnasth&na, Chapter V). The functions of the Sir as may, therefore, be stated as follows (1) The conduction of blood from the liver and spleen, red blood (what may be called the arterial blood of this system of physiology) to the heart, head, trunk, limbs, etc. (2) Common functions of all connective passages, vis., the conduction of Vuyu (vital current), Pitta (metabolic fluid), and Kapha (lymph). The different classes of Dhamanis with their functions are (1) The nerves : (a) eight sensory (central) nerves for the four special senses other than touch, (b) twelve motor nerves partly for voluntary and partly for automatic move- ments, and (c) the nerves of touch and organic sensation, including the sympathetic nerves. (2) The chyle-ducts, conductors of (venous) blood,-conveying the chyle before it is transformed into blood in the liver (and the spleen). (3) The classes of Dhamanis, which, in common with the iSiras and ii'rotas, conduct Vayu, Pitta and Kapha,-the prime movers of the organic life. ISIRAS AND DHAMANIS AS BLOOD-VESSELS. The circulatory system. The anatomical arrangement of the iSiras and Dhamanis as conceived in this system of physiology is so fanciful and obscure (Charaka himself states that it is unascertainable and questionable) that it is with considerable diffidence that I attempt to reproduce in a chart the main features of the vascular and circulatory system. At the outset, I would premise that the mistake as to the relative position of the heart and the liver in man, which lasted till the middle of the sixteenth century in Europe and took a Vesalius to correct, was impossible to the Hindu anatomists, who habitually practised dissection on human corpses. Conjectural Restoration of the Diagram of the central circulation of the Siras and Dhamanis after Charaka and Susruta. The obliquely branching Dhamanis, and the rami- fications of the Siras arc not shown. (n) Navel, — the foetal source of Siras and Dhamanis,—may be taken as the starting point of the circulatory system. (0) Heart i i Susruta, Sarira- sthana IV),—the receptacle of the chyle poured into it by the ascending Dhamanis source of the ‘ life currents' (n and seat of consciousness also supplies to the spleen and liver (venous) blood, or rather chyle mixed with blood, to be transformed into red (arterial) Itlood. The heart is also supplied by Siras with true blood. Cf. nuflTwff W5fr#frl | 5jfoc' (ufffrKrqrqiT) (c) Small intestine (reruns) which receives the chyme from the stomach and, ■with the help of the bile brought from the liver, turns the chyme into chyle. (d) Spleen, a minor source of blood (or blood vascular gland); cn the left below the heart. Susruta, Chapter IY). (e) Liver, the major source of blood ; the chyle gets a red pigment in the liver (and spleen) and is converted into true (arterial) blood. The liver is to the right. Susruta, Sartrasthana, Chapter IV). (/) Dhamani, conveying chyle from the small intestine to the great Rhamani trunk (g) that ascends to the heart ;—answers to the portal vein and thoracic duct (?) (g) Dhamani trunk, ascending from the navel to the heart ; answers to the inferior Vena Cava. (h) Dhamani ascending from the heart to the head,—and trifurcating;—answers to the superior Vena Cava. (i) Also, Dhamani ascending from the heart, but brings back the (venous) blood to the heart (Pulm. Artery ?) (j) Also, a Dhamani, descending from the heart, and conveying the chyle and venous blood from the heart to the liver, where the blood takes a red pigment. (k) Sira, connecting the liver with the spleen,—carrying the red blood from the liver to the spleen (Sp. vein). (/) Sira, from the spleen to the heart, carrying the red blood to the heart. (m) Sira, bringing red (“arterial”) blood from the heart to the navel, the starting point, answering to the aorta. N.B. —The Siras ramify from the liver and the spleen, and supply the trunk, head and limbs, with red (arterial; blood. Pour Dhamani trunks also, for the trunk and limbs, issue from the navel. They ramify into veins and capillary vessels (as also nerve fibres and fibrils) and carry chyle and (venous) blood over the entire system. It is clear that Charaka and Susruta had no idea of the part played by the lungs in the purification of the blood. The liver converts the ‘ venous ’ blood in this system into true (‘ arterial ’) blood, and along with the spleen serves as a basis of discrimina- tion between a Sira and a Dhamani, thus illustrating Susruta',s statement that the distinc- tion between these two kinds of bloodvessels must be accepted as real, inasmuch as they have different sources and different functions. riTFiFg ^gr ^^RUSR! RWRRT R3^31R3ra^RFr? (Susruta, Sarirasthana, Chapter IX). RR: qjff- 3J^3: *3 3*3 S^^rT • ^ ipt** • 33 gRP ^gr ^gf ^TWTTfiTRSR^fRSTRT: fRR gRT3 | 3RT grft?J3^vTRR5Ml3RTT TfFRq- vTyf CRRi I 33 fjfvdlr>TR33: *3fwi;gh?Hr UT'^3 3RgRR | (/bid, Chapter IV). gFJRT- RU33T3RPT: gtft?3«R | (Ibid, Sutrasthana, Chapter XIV), { 33C ) RRf§Rrcraif*t *i3f?3 i 3ifvrf*£ 53 ^5if*3nf*T: ^£R sh- §S333RR3I | I 31*31 R53? 1333H31: 33*31% R*F33: I31% W^Ri: 3131^:0x11% 31331%*% favi3i%5% £*r 33<33ifi?%i ^ £si 3 w>3if|*n i 31RF5 3r33i%3i3i 313 RT1333131 TfRHRWR *1313 I *313lf5*3£I 3$gjfl^lfcr I 33 31331%[*3: RHU 31[f3%H: I ^33 £3*R%33\f =3 53R331 I 1^33*5 *$M ^ 31£^ 3%R 333U: 3^3* »% *33£l: 33R3£!$J 315% 5J3T %I *3^3R%035 I PR: RrT: 5^tR* fiqfc^Rli^ jj3TRf3 (Sarirastjhana, Chapter VIII). %fl31 (5F5n) 313 I 3% %113!3 13:033*5 RRig3$5 *1313 (Ibid, Chapter IV). q*% (=F«n) 1333*13 UT I 351%3333I35353;T1W1- ^T3T3 3^5?T 333R1313f%cl 3R3R1 I %3*3£ f^3 %?T3TRI3R33 I...3TT3 ( 3131% ) 3T3TT3T33:^33f33^^^RS^T3^5n3 I 33 31*335 sT I 3%*1% ££3 *;R3I%3ISJ 333i: | 3333t % I 33T5V 3TH§I3 (Kloma, gall-bladder) 3 1 33 13£3I 133131 I 3Tvf3t 5 < 33RjV 5H3R13: W3I%*3%13IF3: I *R3f £ I 33RJ.V 5£3 *R31%*3£1 STIRD I *3135 £ I 3f3 $£131 *33n%?35J 33RT: I %R3£ 5 I 33T^V *31^33 **F3in£3RS 333:1 Section 3. THE NERVOUS SYSTEM IN CHARAKA. The Nerves. Dhamanis as nerves :—The anatomy of the nervous system in Charaka and Susruta, can be more clearly and confidently restored. The Dhamams that ascend from the heart divide into 30 cords, of which 20, i.c., 10 pairs, are cranial nerves, and the other 10, orb pairs, are engaged in conveying vital currents, metabolic fluid, lymph, blood and chyle. The cranial nerves are : (1) four pairs of sensory nerves carrying sensory impulses from the sense-organs to the heart, viz., the optic, auditory, olfactory, and gustatory nerves and (2) six pairs of motor (or mixed nerves), e.cj., three pairs of motor nerves for the eye (Motores oculorum, Pathetic and Abducentes) working the Levator Palpebrse and other muscles of the orbit; one pair of motor nerves for articulation, the hypoglossal; one pair of motor nerves for the larynx, (the Pneumo-gastric), and another pair connected with mammae and (in the case of the male) the seminal duct. It is further stated that other motor or sensori-motor impulses are carried by some of these cranial nerves, viz., those which produce sighs and sobs, yawning, laughter and hunger. Evidently some of the func- tions of the pneumogastric and the spinal accessory nerves are intended, as also of the phrenic and other nerves of the cervical plexus. Of the 30 descending Dhamanis, 10 (or 5 pairs) are conductors of blood, chyle, vital current, metabolic fluid and lymph, and the remaining 20 are spinal nerves (specially the nerves of the sacro-coccygeal and sacral plexuses, if not also of the lumbar plexus). The obliquely branching Dhamanis, so far as they are nerves, comprise the brachial and the lumbar plexus, and divide and sub-divide hundred-fold, thousand-fold, till they ramify into fibrillae round the pores of the skin. They carry to the heart cutaneous sensations, external as well as internal. A fibril is said to be as minute as the thousandth part of a hair JWU smr^uj: --Punchadasi). Sflfftf 3R3F3 I 31*5 5£33m3133vm%Rl 3113% 3!%*!05. I 31RR5 313!3rT313%f313*R15 I % i' 3?3*3T £=0 I I £1*31 *1133 I £1*31 313 3R1I3 I £1*31 i sn%f«R i w' =g i | *?R^r%g I £ ^ gg>* ?R*g *=RT«rr srfagfg: I ra^r itrt^ ^cR?*jti gmRr q^pi ^rer^T #ttt*ttr‘ ftvnjq:^ i rimr^ ^rft? ngu%g cirar jj^tr tr^t irRT^rR i t: ^Hftrgffcr ?^-^tRt ^FtT'fqPrT SRI^SI | HR ^^^^^nfrfr^q'JnTT^RT ^g^RfaHRgSJSH I Rf% f^miR gr uf^TR i gr?3 rRi^g^r'g hr: Wifrt: sgT^gRT: I (Susruta Sarirasthana, Chapter IX.) .section 4. THE NERVOUS SYSTEM AFTER THE TANTRAS-PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGY. In Charaka and Susruta (as in Aristotle) the heart is the central organ and seat of consciousness. But in the Tantric writings (as in Galen), the seat of consciousness is trans- ferred to the brain or rather the cerebro-spinal system. The Soul (the Jiva) has its special seat within the Brahmarandhra above the foramen of Monro and the middle commissure, but traverses the whole cerebro-spinal axis, up and down, along t he Sushnmnu (the central canal of the spinal cord). The Bralimadanda (vertebral column) contains the Bralima-Nddi, the Suslmmna and the Manovahd Nadi. The cerebro-spinal axis with the connected sympa- thetic system contains a number of ganglionic centres and plexuses, {Chakras, Padmas) from which nerves (Nadis, birds and l)hamu)iis)* radiate over the head, trunk and limbs. Section 5. GANGLIONIC CENTRES ANJ) PLEXUSES (Sympathetic-spinal System). Beginning with the lower extremity, the centres and plexuses of the connected spinal and sympathetic systems may be described as follows (1) The Adhctra Chakra, the sacro-coccygeal plexus, with four branches, nine Angulis (about six inches and a half) below the solar plexus (Kanda, Brahmagranthi); the source of a massive pleasurable festhesia, voluminous organic sensations of repose. An inch and a half above it, and the same distance below the membrum virile (Meliana) is a minor centre called the Agni-sikhd. (2) The Svddhisthdna Chakra, the sacral plexus with six branches (tmipn; ^rrm leaves), concerned in the excitation of sexual feelings with the accompaniments of lassitude, stupor, cruelty, suspicion, contempt. (3) The Navi kanda (corresponding to the solar plexus, Bhdnnbhavartum)—which forms the great junction of the right and left sympathetic chains (Pingala and Ida) with the cerebro-spinal axis. Connected with this is the Mauipuraka, the lumbar plexus with connected sympa- thetic nerves, the ten branches of which are concerned in the production of sleep and thirst, and the expressions of passions like jealousy, shame, fear, stupefaction. (4) The Andhata Chakra, possibly the cardiac plexus of the sympathetic chain, with twelve branches, connected with the heart, the seat of the egoistic sentiments, hope, anxiety, doubt, remorse, conceit, egoism, etc. * The writers of the Yoga and Tantra schools use the term Nadi, by preference, for Nerves. They also mean Cranial nerves when they speak of tiirds, never using the latter term for Arteries, as in the older medical literature. 43 (5) The Bharatisthdna, the junction of the spinal cord with the medulla oblongata, which, by means of nerves like the pneumo-gastric, etc., regulate the larynx and other organs of articulation. (6) The Lalana Chakra opposite the uvula, which has twelve leaves (or lobes), sup- posed to be the tract affected in the production of ego-altruistic sentiments and affections like self-regard, pride, affection, grief, regret, respect, reverence, contentment, etc. (7) The sensori-motor tract, comprising two Chakras, (a) the Ajnd Chakra, lit. the circle of command (over movements), with its two lobes (the cerebellum), and (b) the Manaschakra, the sensorium, with its six lobes (five special sensory for peripherally ini- tiated sensations, and one common sensory for centrally initiated sensations, as in dreams and hallucinations). A The Ajna-vaha Nadis, efferent or motor nerves, communicate motor impulses to the A periphery from this Ajna Chakra, this centre of command over movements; and the afferent or sensory nerves of the special senses, in pairs, the Gandhavdhd Nadi (olfactory sensory), the Rupavaha Nadi (optic), the Savdavahd Nadi (auditory), the Rasavaha Nadi (gustatory), and the Sparasavalia Nadi (tactile), come from the periphery (the peripheral organs of the special senses) to this Manaschakra, the sensory tract at the base of the brain. The Manaschakra also receives the Manovaha Nadi, a generic name for the chan- nels along which centrally initiated presentations (as in dreaming or hallucination) come to the sixth lobe of the Manaschakra. (8) The Bomachakra, a sixteen-lobed ganglion, comprising the centres in the middle of the cerebrum, above the sensorium ;—the seat of the altruistic sentiments and voli- tional control, e.y., compassion, gentleness, patience, renunciation, meditativeness, gravity, earnestness, resolution, determination, magnanimity, etc.; and lastly (9) The Hahasrdra Chakra, thousand-lobed, the upper cerebrum with its lobes and convolutions, the special and highest seat of the Jiva, the soul. =qqRTqRF?q I qw *rpi:.., 3TRR?:... i rttobr raip# qsqq* i ^tr hitr usrq: jurt... i qmr i rpuTif ^fiq?...5T33iT wr hut Wf: ^3 RT3 wg¥THTf ^ i 3RTfrT I * #T*q WWZ?' RrUUlSc^rfqrTT r%RT WTRcTTfa I ¥fRcn^TR qlw^ ?R SPIR 3^- RR RTT I qfaqqqr \ qqWTHcR: Rf: SUPP: STROT 5RTFW y^T HqTSq^nqrlT I TRTR Wq W ?TT5nq^* =5 ^TlWqT: e^3TRTR7*f I FR q^T FUWTfa FJ I RRT etfu ^qrq^rwR rjr sps^TTHij 5^3 • ^RTsfq qrfsr^r rjrsu" i qR-tr rRT q^n: qi¥^T RR£RT: I JTTf'q ’HZf* HTR sfrRFTtT fTR FRTf ’ THRT «?R cR: I Tnwft^rg^qrs^rvT frrrr^T^t 35TU3. i jftaR TRffeqqRTWR: 1 qss* 1 qiR?aqRTfFqq^fFT I TpR: F3RT ^rarfefel qqj 1 sTfRSsf T%T^T *F<3FT: I WTR^fq^UTfR (W) 1 ^•qRTfiR'qr si§imP»iR RHINE: I as summarised in Damodara’s Sangita- darpana. Vide Sangita-ratnabara, verses 116-144) sJ^fTTftra ^RHT: ( 5TfRflr!T )-B^T qJl^hjW f^gnsqifqsOT^TRf^^I flrfNfSTTSel jp fagfa i cR9T WTf^T 3rare%^ | q^rcuw gq^di ^ra iftq^ l r ^FRNfT 5Tifr Rit^r ) g'pn %r^tinrfRT ^id^nfr (Juana Sunkaliui Tantra.) For functions of Ajndvahd Nadi and Manovahd Nctdi, also see Sankara- Misra’s Upaskcira. The cerebro-spinal axis and the heart:—their respective relations to the conscious life : — Vijnanabhiksliu, in the passage just quoted, identifies the Manovahd Nadi (vehicle of consciousness, f^rre^ru) with the cerebro-spinal axis and its ramifications, and compares the figure to a inverted gourd with a thousand-branched stem hanging down. The Sushumna, the central passage of the spinal cord, is the stem of this gourd (or a single branch). The writers on the Yoga (including the authors of the various Tantric systems) use the term somewhat differently. On this view, the Manovahd Nadi is the channel of the communication of the Jiva (soul) with the M cmasehakra (sensorium) at the base of the brain. The sensory currents are brought to the sensory ganglia along afferent nerves of the special senses. But this is not sufficient for them to rise to the level of discri- minative consciousness (ui'M'traPtu) A communication must now be established between the Jiva (in the Sahasrara Chakra, upper cerebrum) and the sensory currents received at the sensorium, and this is done by means of the Manor aha Ncidi. When sensations are centrally initiated, as in dreams and hallucinations, a special Nadi (Svapnavaha Nadi), which appears to be only a branch of the Manovahd Ncidi, serves as the channel of communication from the Jiva (soul) to the sensorium. In the same way, the Ajndvahd Ncidi brings down the messages of the Soul from the Sahasrara (upper cerebrum) to the Apia Chakra (motor tract at the base of the brain), messages which are thence carried further down, along efferent nerves, to various parts of the pheripliery. I may add that the special sensory nerves together with the Manovahd Ndcli are sometimes generally termed Juanavaha Ncidi, lit., channel of presentative knowledge. There is no difficulty so far. The Manovahd Ncidi and the Ajndvahd Nadi connect the sensori-motor tract at the base of the brain (Mdnaschakra and Ajnachakra) with the highest (and special) seat of the soul (Jiva) in the upper cerebrum (Sahasrara), the one being the channel for carrying up the sensory, and the other for bringing down the motor messages. But efforts of the will (Apia, Prayatna) are conscious presentations, and the Manovahd Nadi must therefore co-operate with the Ajndvahd in producing the consciousness of effort. Indeed, attention, the characteristic function of Manas, by which it raises sense-presentations to the level of discriminative consciousness, implies effort tPrayatna) on the part of the soul (Atman, Jiva), an effort of which we are conscious through the channel of the Manovahd Ndcli. But how to explain the presentation of effort in the motor-nerves ? Sankara Misra, the author of the Upaskcira on Kauri da's Sutras, argues that the Ndclis (even the volitional or motor nerves) are themselves sensitive, and their affections are conveyed to the sensorium by means of the nerves of the (inner) sense of touch (which are interspersed in minute fibrillae among them). The consciousness of effort, then, in any motor nerve, whether Ajndvahd (volitional-motor), or Prd [invalid (automatic-motor), depends on the tactile nerves (or nerves of organic sensation) mixed up with it. Thus the assimilation of food and drink by the automatic activity of the Pranas implies an (automatic) effort accompanied by a vague organic consciousness, which is due to the fact that minute fibres of the inner touch-sense are interspersed with the machinery of the automatic nerves (the Prdnavahd Nadis). qenrtfcfq wh qqqfircq: ^Tfq qq^q nqfa ^ 3-^q i firing «?WRsq ^4 q^qq swiq ?ra i qqqjrfvqj q i (Vijnanabhiksu— PravachanablL­a, Sutra, 22 Chapter III). Cf. also Gangadhara’s Jalpakalpataru, (1867, Calcutta)—explaining the distinction between property (thtt) and power (mrra), a technical term in medicine, which is a form of motion (sr*^) Sutrastliana, Jalpakalpataru. The Sankhya view of Prana (life) :— Life, according to the Sankhya, is not a Vdyu (biomechanical force) nor any mere mechanical motion resulting from the impulsion of Vayu. The five vital operations, Prana, Apana, etc., are called vaijus, but this is only a metaphor. Life is in reality a reflex activity, a resultant of the various concurrent activities of the Antahkaranus, i.e., of the sensori-motor (gruTvga fr+ufcgu), the emotional (au:) and the apperceptive reactions of the organism (for some add Vijnanabhiksu notes that this explains the disturbing (elevating or depressing) effect, on the vitality, of pleasurable or painful emotions like love ( ), which are activities of Manas, one of the Antahkuranas concerned in the reactions of the living organism. On the Sankhya view, then, Prana or life is not a Vayu, nor is it evolved from the Bhutas, inorganic matter. Prana is only a complex reflex activity ( 3m ) resulting from the operations of the psycho-physical principles or forces in the organism, (c/. Sankara reporting the Sankhya view— 3R3TITR RddfrR: RRJ STTOTT^r fRf* STldl^ I Sariraha-bhdsya, Chapter II, Pada 4, Sutra 9) RT : JTmjraT 3R3 : I (Isvarakrisna, Karika). Also Sfttra 31, Chapter II, where Vijnanabhiksu notes :— dT^dd; R^RR dldd: ura^r: I ?IR7di did tddd: df?RfdfRT: diJRrq Rdfct I 3TRRTfdR 3RFF dRRrdR I RmmRITddH RRT ^IpffTT- dRcjj dTFd | Vijnanabhik.su, Pravachana-bhaxya, Chapter II, Sutras, 31, 32. RdTd+tjR ddRTd: dTVRTRddl RRHTT3dR#ddd RTRRR I ibid. The Ved&ntic view of Prana. The Vedantists are believers in an independent vital principle. They agree with the Sankhyas in holding that Prd na is neither a Vayu, nor the operation of a Vayu. But neither is Life a mere reflex or resultant of concurrent sensori-motor, emotive and apperceptive reactions of the organism. You may put eleven birds in a cage, and if they concurrently and continually strike against the bars of the cage in the same direction, the cage may move on under this conjoint action. But the sensory and motor activities cannot in this way originate the vital activity of the organism. For the deprivation of anyone or more of the senses does not mean a deprivation of life, and above all there is this radical distinction : there is sameness of kind (qq?fnM) between the motions of the individual birds and the resultant motion of the cage, but the sensations do not explain life. Life (Prana) must therefore be recognised as a separate principle, just as the Manas and the Antahkaranas generally are in the Sankhya Philosophy. Life is a sort of subtle rarefied ‘ ether-principle ' (giaiTrqqrq) pervasive of the organism,—which is not gross Vayu, but is all the same subtilised matter, like the Manas itself, for, in the Vedanta, everything other than the Self (^Trq) is “ material "(sre) This Life is prior to the senses, for it regulates the development of the fertilised ovum which would putrefy if it were not living, and the senses with their apparatus develop subsecpxently out of the ovum (q Chapter II, Pada 4, Sutra 9, vide Sariraka Bhasya Sankara,—also, Vachaspati Misra, Bhainati: — TRRRR 3 5iRP I R % TfTRrRRr dr fRRtd, SFddJ 31 I 3 FTFH f?rr%cTRT I Jd dPRRR ddf SWRjmidT- ^??T%dTdI33T^ RddTrRRd: 5TRT3R I *# * dRITRI 3R%dT*dT dPJT: I *»« dRRT- ^v^Fn^rq^r: qpdisfq Hldj: I Sankara, ibid. Cf. also, 33^35? tfldT: ^37T3'73^3ddRRR3 3?d ^RRTRR I 333. dRT dVT3I f(3RTR: RTR ^33 3 R*Rdg3 RRRRTR ^W^vdTR ^313*331^31 fT3qITRT5I 33Rd I Sankara, on Sutra 9, Pada 4, Chapter II. APPENDIX D. HINDU IDEAS ON MECHANICS (KINETICS). Section 1. ANALYSIS OF MOTION. In his Bhasya on the Vaisesika Aphorisms written probably in the third or fourth century of the Christian era, if not earlier, Prasastapada begins the Section on Motion with the definition of karma (motion, lit. work) as the unconditional cause of conjunction and disjunction, i.e., of change of place in a particle Rthtu He regards Karma (motion) as instantaneous (gfrcfi) in its simplest form, distinguishing it from Vega (impressed motion, momentum) which is a persistent tendency, Sanskara, and implies a series of motions. Accordingly in one and the same particle, there can be only one motion (karma) at any given moment, since its change of place at that moment is one and definite ^ urn i ^ The supposition of two (instantaneous) motions in the same particle is superfluous. They may be so opposed as to neutralise each other, in which case the particle would be at rest. If they are not so opposed, and motion (i.e., an instantaneous change of place) follows, then, since this change of place is a definite change, one motion would be sufficient to account for it, and the hypothesis of two motions would be mean- ingless (gra wm: f|rfra Prasastapada). One and the same motion can affect only one particle, as the changes of place of different particles must be different (^g gr# ugugg ufiu— Ibicl.) Now motion is always marked by a certain direction (r^irarsjgttiwU+H^ir^ raili:): (if The successive motions of a particle may be in the same direction (rectilinear) e.g., (a) upward or downward vertical motion, as in throwing upwards or downwards in the case of objects moved by volition directly or indirectly (sugiw, ^iww), or (b) other forms of rectilinear motion, contraction, dilation or (ii) the directions of the successive motions may be different as in curvilinear motion e.g., ’TUW (rotatory motion), (vibratory motion), etc. All these are varieties of Gamana curvilinear motion) ; uuunfni —Ibid—cf. Sankara Misra, ^ gTr?irat)q: ggguu ln another sense, all kinds of motion in material (inanimate) objects, whether rectilinear or curvilinear, are called Gamana (w»). (yuu ajCn.ic), impressed motion, as in the flying arrow which is kept from falling by the motion impressed on it. (3) Motion of fluids, as the downward flow in a stream This is due to fluidity which is a characteristic property of certain kinds of atoms, in some cases original, in others produced by the contact of these atoms with the atomic particles of heat (e.g , in the fire). But Sankara Misra points out that this property, fluidity, is only a concomi- tant condition (^TCPRTbMiAxi), the efficient cause is even in this case gravity in the particles of the fluid, uu *fiTvrra fifewnw (Sankara Misra, Upaskara, on Sutra 4, Ahinka 2, Chap. V, of the Vais'esika Sutras). (4) Certain motions, not due to material contact, of which the mechanical causes are unknown and which may be ascribed to the universal final cause, Adrista (^g,) e.g., the first motion in atoms at the beginning of creation, the upward motion of fiery particles or atoms, and the oblique motion of gaseous particles, vdyu, (^r), the movement of iron towards the magnet, capillary motion (^fw) as of liquid particles from the root to the stem of a plant. The upward motions of water-particles in evaporation and in boiling do not require the hypothesis of Adrista, as these are caused by the pressure of heat corpuscles and the contact with air particles — Vaisesika Sutra, Chap. V, Alinika 2). MEANING OF ADRISTA (^g) Adrista (lit. unseen) stands for ‘ unknown cause ’ or ‘ unexplained Nature ' in the earlier Vaisesika writers. Several classes of cases falling under Adrista are distin- guished, e.g. (1) the operation of merit and demerit and (^r^), a transcendental cause, which has to be posited in explaining the conjunctions and disjunctions of souls with their organic vehicles (bodies), which cannot be ascribed to natural causes, but presup- pose the law of karma, or the operation of moral causation, as super-imposed on the natural order, (2) various kinds of motion, in the different classes of elements, e.g., their natural modes of operation, such as the dispersion of Vayu (air, gas), the upward motion of fire, the attraction of the needle by the magnet, etc., motions which serve the ends of Creation and of created beings Sucb natural properties must be ascribed to Adrista, final causality ('3'H'tiKiH'tiRy-M^' ^SgtWRri), provided the cause cannot be ascertained by observation or inference. i. —ibid. etc. Jayanta in the Nyaya-Manjari notes that Adrista is resorted to in explanation of observed phenomena only when these cannot be derived in any way from the operation of known causes—^phtiv'i ^ RgyraRf i^gragRff ^gfirsirara i —Almika I. Similarly, Jayanta notes that, when anything is put down as natural (^=THrfiRi)? we may mean either that it has no cause or no uniform cause, or no known cause. Of these, the first two alternatives must always be dismissed. And 1 natural ’ can only mean something of which no cause has yet beeu ascertained (^cn^iRR? ^ RppiR 3imqrR|7|?fi 3T i n ^>iR' g**puri -uR -^Rbmlgcji RtfN^Rri — i This sound interpretation of Adrista was afterwards obscured. In modern writers of the Nyaya-Vaisesika School, physical and mechanical ideas have suffered a set-back, and even the formation of the hailstone is ascribed to the operation of moral causes II. We come now to motions produced by contact Such motions may be classed as follows, according to the nature of the contact originating them :— (1) Motion due to direct contact with a body exercising continued pressure (Rl^i) e.y., the motion of an object pushed or pulled by the hand, the motion of the mud under heavy stones, the motion of the arrow due to the pressure exercised by the bowstring, the motion of the bowstring due to the pressure of the elastic bow as it recovers its original shape, the motion of clouds, of volumes of dust, of balloons, sailing vessels, and other vehicles, under the impelling force (pressure, ^n^i: of the wind, etc. ?w5: (Prasastapada, 3TjiH^'Ti!r--*)<3r^tc3iTr^y^5iFtiTiriTi^llKU^^uNi*)iH3T?hi i Sridhara R’^T^furi ,4)if^y^,'!irj tl^uRrnn (balloons in the sky) Rifiiybri ^ TTTUf: (Udayana, Kiranavali, N.B. Udayana makes a similar reference to balloons filled with gas or smoke in discussing the opinion that air has weight (Kiranavali, These passages show that balloons were known in Udayana’s time (974 A. D.— vide Laksanavali). (2) Motion due to direct contact for an instant with a body that strikes and produces an impact (^WJTu) e. cj„ in the cases of a stone falling against a hard object ^tfirqfuRy— Sridhara), the potter’s rod striking the wheel, the mortar struck against the pestle. Instantaneous disjunction is necessary to impact. If there is continued contact, the result is pressure In some cases there may be disjunc- tion (i.e., a rebound) after continued pressure mr^sj RrR^qfRi "ilreU dd4r|ra-^)'iK *qR'h*-q^T). (3) Motion due to direct contact with an elastic body which exercises a moving force by means of its elasticity (feRMC-Wr^) in the act of restitution of the original form, (*T5T Rsjfi wrwu) e g., the motion of the bow-string due to the force exercised by the piece of bamboo (the bent bow). This force of restitution in an elastic body is a kind of sanskfira, i.e., persistent tendency uwt^id—uwfi^ursi bows, twigs, tooth-bones, horn, thread, cloth, etc., are noted as elastic). (4) Motion due to contact with a body which is itself in contact with another which possesses Vega (impressed motion or momentum). ( ) This is the fact of the transmission of pressure or moving force, and the consequent production or communication of motion, as for example, in the pulling of an object by means of a string, the pushing of the potter’s wheel by the potter’s rod, etc. Section 3. CAUSE OF MOTION, OR FORCE. Force is of the following kinds : — 1. Continued pressure 2. Impact (sruroru). 3. Persistent tendency (waj of which there are two kinds—(a) Vega impressed motion, momentum), the persistent tendency to motion in a moving body, and (b) the tendency to restitution of shape in an elastic body (Tugruwlt'fdiUWT). N. B.—The metaphysical sanskdra (*TRTIT) is here omitted. 4. Transmitted force, as in pulling by a string, pushing by a rod, etc. 5. Gravity. 6. Fluidity. ■ 7. Volition. 8. Adrista, comprising various unknown agencies. In every case of motion produced by contact, Vega is a contributary cause, as the body originating the motion must possess Vega (impressed motion, momentum). The concept of Vega ('bnuj w). A motion (karma) being conceived as a change of place in a particle is held to be incapable of producing another motion ; but the pressure, impact or other force which produces the first motion produces through that motion a sanskdra or persistent tendency to motion (vega), which is the cause of continued motion in a straight line, i.e., in the direction of the first motion (iuq?rf^5R raun raujf^lT spquuu The Vais'esikas accept one sanskdra (impressed motion, momentum) lasting till the cessation of the motion. Udyotakara and other writers of the Nyaya School suppose a series of scinskdras, each generating the one that succeeds it. fi^K-y-riiiinrq ). It will be seen that the Nyaya view is adequate to explain acceleration which it logically implies. The force of sanskdra (sjfffi) diminishes by doing work (3iT®Nf*7ffTfT) against a counteracting force, and when the sanskdra is in this Way entirely destroyed, the moving body comes to rest i W qiqr 3ITUi: rPIf (TOT R3U1 JtraU —ega, it will be seen, corresponds to inertia in some respects, and to momentum (impressed motion) in others. This is the nearest approach to Newton’s First Law of Motion in the Vaisesika theory of motion. Vega (impressed motion), or this tendency to move on in a straight line, is counteract- ed by contact with tangible objects (e.g., by impact or friction (including friction with the still atmosphere as in the case of the arrow). Vega (momentum) produces work in opposition to the resisting force, and thereby becomes weaker and weaker until it comes to an end. ^TfWrg ^^2 fqrefrraflqTqwa qr^RT qnqq, mqq-T^ER-f^-qqwqf 3: Prasastapada, etd>K ^n: qqJiEr^smarnqre'r ra^s^rra Causes of Pressure ptl^) and of Impact (qiwnri). Pressure is produced by contact acting in conjunction with Yega (impressed motion), elasticity, gravity, fluidity or volition ; e g., the Yega of the wind produces pressure (qr^q) on the grass, that of a current of water on the reed, that of the bowstring on the arrow. Gravity with contact produces pressure, as •when the earth sinks under a heavy load. Impact is produced by contact with a body possessing Vega (impressed motion) where the contact is instantly followed by disjunction (or rebounding). If the contact continues, the result is pressure qqFq-^qq-qq-qFaFaTq qrqqnqiq: a: qr?q qjfqvrrri-f q: rerrj ert^t; srur mqm qqq' Ejtfq qfT*mq ER*q ^tq# erwj; ertri q qinraid qRqqiq ertr qqfu—qajtriqr^-Hirai ). It is expressly noted that the four elements, earth, water, air and fire, are all subject to the forces of pressure and impact. Pressure and impact may be of different degrees So also vega (impressed motion, momentum.) Illustrations of Combination of Forces. (1) Pressure acting concurrently with impressed motion or vega, as when the moving hand possessing Vega throws the quoit or a projectile, qqqrara :) fin: mqnviiqqr«iT qtqq qqfvq ejteuj ?ra—qwmi^qrq.) Similarly, in the case of the bowstring impelling the arrow, or the potter’s wheel impelled by the rod, the first motion is due to pressure (q^q), and results in a sanskdra (persistent tendency to motion, impressed motion or momentum), but the subse- quent motions are produced by the pressure acting concurrently with the sanskdra (impressed motion) (qwq Frrqu qpqTro qqpq 5jiq?i iq^i-raqm:—qsjRS-qr^ —qqq ERiqjib qtfw?iTu ER*#5nq q qqfq? 3 q?R FRqq^q q ARRIVE? qfaRra I qVsK qjrq-ERV^qf, ER*q qvq) (2) Impact (qimrq) with impressed motion (sqqsrt), as when the mortar thrown by the hand rebounds after striking the pestle (q^qtrcrqgrq qjmqrqrq qqqqq-EfrFq—qsiwn^ qrq). (3) Pressure (•h^*i) acting concurrently with impact (qnqqra), as when the mud sinks when we strike against the ground with the feet. Here, if the feet be not in contact with the mud, but only with the surrounding ground, there is transmitted force (qjra ERliq). ^313 I Prasastapada). (4) Gravity concurrently with sanskdra or persistent tendency, as in the case of a falling body in the second and following instants. Also the case of a stone thrown against the mud, where gravity (the weight of the stone) combines with the Vega of the stone to produce motion in the mud (Prasastapada). (qu^f ^ qqrqiq vjqfu qq ers^T fqiqq r^qErTs;' arTC-EfisYfra q^reRRTCPqT onqh j^njq qr^efi qrq^faqTwq—=qtqr, ^ ^ Rrqrqq-qvFqm^qRY ). This case will be further noticed below. Udyotakara, the commentator on the Nyaya-Bliasya, states that a heavier body falls to the ground with greater Vega (and velocity) than one that is lighter. Udyotakara also holds, and Sridhara agrees with him, that the gravity (qq?q) of a body (qjqqqr) as a whole 45 composed of particles (^raw:) is not the same as the sum of the gravities of the particles. There is a difference in amount which is, however, so small as to he imperceptible. The concept of mass in the New Mechanics of Lorenz may lend some countenance to this curious metaphysical speculation. (Sridhara, (5) Volition acting concurrently with gravity, as in lifting the hand. This is accom- panied by transmission when an object (e.g., the quoit) is lifted by the hand. Sanskara (impressed motion, momentum) with or without pressure 0r impact (^ifuwtd) may be transmitted utdiKiH Sridhara). Composition of Gravity with Vega (momentum). When a body is let go and falls to the ground, the force acting on it is gravity which the astronomers ascribe to the attraction of the Earth. Motion is produced in the first instance by gravity alone, and this leads to a sanskara (impressed motion) in the same direction. But the force of gravity continues to operate, so that, in the moments follow- ing the first, the motion is due to gravity as well as sanskara. The resultant motion is one, but both the causes must be conceived as contributing to the resultant. The reason for supposing this combined action is that both gravity and sanskara (impressed motion or momentum) are seen elsewhere to produce motion separately. In the case of the falling body, therefore, there is the composition of the two, gravity and vega, acting in the same direction from the second instant on- wards. It is as if two motions coalesced and resulted in one. Here a good foundation is laid for the'explanation of the accelerated motion of falling bodies, but Galileo’s discovery was not anticipated, as Galileo’s observations and measurements of motion were wanting (3ir^i 3!*# uu UWW ■jpipfpm'rb jirawT jplrcfq urusqfawwra— ’aWr, —uuair^i' But in the case of the flying arrow or other projectile, the impulsive force which produces vega counteracts the force of gravity; in the end, this vega is lost through friction with air, and then gravity brings the arrow to the ground. The meaning of this “counteraction ” is not clear. Is it intended that the action of gravity is suspended as long as the vega continues? We have seen that, in the case of a body let fall, Prasastapada expressly states that gravity ((jvru) and sanskara (vega, momentum) both act in the second and following instants. Prasastapada seems to have thought that some sanskdras (e.g., the vega of an arrow or other projectile) suspend the action of gravity (u^ei Prasastapada, ^Turu^ai i gmrFrrr'p jRCTi snips'>nvri^sTC y yyra i fifrj frlurnTT^-^wiiii^^fH 1(5) f^7cprt3js^: yq jriu ^sf'Brm’Trrq 3irwm^3i?i: svra 3i%3^ yyyyn ^fr^irrar 31351^*333 ^r^i^Pivay' yirayyN i 31^1^3 VI *I-cp'Hd-Hinj3)5)0 33T 31133 3J3^y 3^^1313)3^ ^3ji^f5j 3!TT*3V;n ?T3?3 ^3131^ gvumT fin (Gangesa, Tattva Chintamani). But how does the first sound produce the second, the second the third, and so on ? At every step, the efficient cause, the impact of some vibrating molecule against a contiguous molecule of air, must be posited, and this is equally applicable to a sound produced by a sound, (31^'j13]3j) as to one produced by conjunction and disconjunction (nijnRj or nornra). In other words, the sound-wave ( 3]s^wtr ) in Akasa necessarily implies an air-wave The Mimansaka view, then, that explains the propagation of sound by the transmission of the original oscillatory motion through the successive layers of air by means of successive impacts or pressures producing conjunction and disjunction of air molecules ^3133131: —Savarabhashya), or rarefaction and condensation (sryy—Vakyapadiya), is also implied in the Nyaya-Vaiseshika doctrine of the sound-wave (sjs^ypnrvt), the difference being that in the latter the air-wave, which is conceived as a mode of serial motion is only the vehicle or medium of propagation of a so-called sound-wave in Akasa which is not itself a mode of motion. This is what we find expressly and elaborately formulated in the later Nyaya-vaiseshika (vide Gangesa, Chintamani, supra). Section 2. ANALYSIS OF VIBRATOUY MOTION, E.G., OF A BELL (IN AIR). The molecules of a bell vibrate when the bell is struck. The question is—what the nature of this vibratory movement? Vatsyayana and Udyotakara answer that when the hand strikes the bell, some of the molecules are displaced (from their stable position,—i.e., there is karma in the molecules), and thus a Sanskara (here a kinetic Sanskara, momentum) is generated 3)*w-riRsgifin:, Vatsyayana and Va- chaspati), and the molecules swing forward under the action of this Sanskara, until 46 they strike the contiguous molecules of air. This now is a case of mutual impact which divides the momentum between the colliding masses, and the bell-molecules begin to swing backward, the motion continuing under the action of the diminished Sanskara, until they come in collision, again, with other air-molecules ; and then the process is repeated, and the bell-molecules begin to swing forward and backward, until the original energy which is parted with in some measure at each impact becomes so feeble as to be unable to produce any kinetic disturbance Similarly, the air-molecules themselves are set vibrating by means of these impacts, and the transmission of the motion would form the wave of air, which the later Nyaya- Yaiseshika expressly posit as the vehicle of the sound-wave. But Udyotakara never conceived vibration in vacuo, nor does it appear if he meant to include the second species of Sanskara (elasticity, sthitisthapaka sanskara) as converted from its potential state (grauvjqu) into kinetic energy, and thus contributing to the momentum (vega). He uses the generic term Sanskara, which comprehends elasticity as well as momentum due to impressed force. His commentator Vachaspati does not go into details, and does not analyse the momentum. Later writers, however, expressly state that elasticity (sthitistha- paka sanskara) is one of the causes of vibration, and that elasticity resides not only in the element of earth, but also in air, water and tejas (cf. Visvanatha). 3T(%^;r SR# Vatsyayana, II, 2, 3 0 TT^I-WT- spsror TPKTfvrera-Jifafluir fcnrcpr- i rc^r: g*; ^ gsraf^jw* Udyotak&ra Vartika, Adhyaya 2, Ahnika 2, Sutra 36. sqqwra w w*rfW&r mg: Vachaspati Tatparyyatika, loc. cit. also But cf. Visvanatha ^trsq i t’W: qqft'T i ffcfawwriwrc T%tr I Bhasha-pariccheda, Slokas 157-159. As the air-wave forms the vehicle of the sound-wave, if it does not constitute the sound-wave itself, the favourable or retarding influence of currents of wind is easily explained. The presence or absence of water (and other intervening objects) offering greater or less resistance to the transmission of the wave-motion also easily accounts for the greater or less distance to which the sound is carried. Section 3. ECHO, ufuvqfu—Echo was supposed to be a reflection of sound. Some consider it to be an after-sound, a sound generated by sound. Others suppose it to be due to the reflec- tion of sound in the same way as an image in water or in a mirror (nftfro) is due to the reflection of light. There is an element of hallucination in either case (qrgqfirrmf^q:)- the image in water is not a real image, neither is the echo the real^ sound it is taken to be ^ H RTUrRcP | 5T ^ nr#f%R- Vijnanabhiksu, Pravachana-Bhasya, Chap. I, Sutra 87.) Section 4. PITCH, INTENSITY AND TIMBRE. Sounds differ from one another by tlieir pitch (cUm%rc£rrK: ( qTrgTrqrqrc ) fn?qvi'Tq%q'q^T%i^ ) jfTrqjirgfqqr qv^RqRi: g^rqq |i% i q yq Tfqqr qai: qw3«nq qqofiq^ i q vq qqiqi qrc:*qnqaim T^qnTarqm—Sangita Samaya Sara, 1, qT^TK quqrqtq: 'resn^q: *qq: i qqq qqfr^: qq?) |*qqr;qqi: qr^fg: g«fRvwqT *qxrqqq ?f^nri: i ^qqrgqq’irtqt^tsqtqq rqqr i jsRiRrq^qq Damodara, Sangitadarpana, Chap. I, Sloka 51. The relation between a Sruti and a Svara is variously conceived as (1) trRqTq model change ; (2) sqqg manifestation ; (3) qr^rr*q^ qrrrgajgTRq the relation of genus and species ; (4) fqqgrq rqqRqg) reflection; (5) qqsqqiraqTq, the relation of cause and effect ; Cf. qqfq qrRsng by Ahobala, qgq*g qqrr mar: qrqw%q |gqr i qg^jpsgqg qq ^rfg<; snFaqgqrfr i gqfgqifeng Sloka 38, Section 6. THE NOTES OF THE DIATONIC SCALE : DETERMINATION OF THEIR RELATIVE PITCH. The pitch of a note is inversely proportional to the length of the wire (q?q) gsggq^t g'q- g|sqsqa*iTqq:) (ifa'Krgrarfi quoted by Mr. Devala in his ‘ Hindu Musical Scale ’). The pitch of the fundamental note to that of its octave is as 1 : 2 ( gq ;—quoted by Mr. Devala). The pitch of the fourth note (F) to that of the fundamental (C) is as 4 : 3 gam ^w^n-n’ifcwR'Jiid quoted by Mr. Devala). The virbratious of the fifth note (G) to those of the fundamental (C) are as 3 : 2 i (uumqiRwa quoted by Mr. Devala). Concord (grsrrf^rg) is either perfect or imperfect. The ratio of perfect concord is 3 : 2— that of imperfect concord, 4 : 3—g-q-g-g gran: gmuju: qqvssjqx: vra: (txqra^xg quoted by Mr. Devala) e.cj., if D be the Vadi, A would be a Samvadi, if E be the Vadi, B would be a Samvadi, in each case a perfect concord. The pitch of D is determined from that of G, and the pitch of A from that of D, in each case by the rule of perfect concord. Determination of the pitches of E and B :—(after Mr. Devala). This may be done in either of the following ways (1) E may be determined from A, and B from E by the rule of perfect concord. This would give 303| as the value of the pitch of E, and 455| as that of the pitch of B, if the pitch of C be taken as 240 ; or (2) E may be determined from C by reduction of the fifth harmonic by two octaves, a sort of imperfect concord; aud then B may be determined from E by the rule of perfect concord. This would give 300 for E, and 450 for B, if C be taken as 240. Mr. Devala in his investigations with the “Sonochord" finds that Hindu musicians (and Sanskrit writers on music) adopted the latter values for E aud B, as they tested their notes by harmonics (^q^qqx^qTg'fgiqxgx^g—vxqrqtxg quoted by Mr. Devala). The Hindus therefore followed just intonation. Section 7. MUSICAL INTERVALS. Musical tones are related to one another in four ways as Vadis, Samvadis, Viv&dis and Anuvadis. The mediaeval compilations explain these in reference to melody, and harmony is altogether unknown, but the terms might be used to indicate relations of harmony as well. The Vadi might in that case answer to the key-note (or tonic); and the Samvadis to the two consonances, the fifth (2 : 3), and the fourth (3 : 4). The rule given for the determination of a Samvadi is 12 or 8 Srutis intervening, the intervals being therefore 13 and 9 Srutis respectively (giving the ratios 1 and 3). C being the Vadi, G and F are stated to be the Samvadis. The first would answer to the dominant, and the second to the sub-dominant. In the same way, it is stated that if D be the Vadi, A would be a Samvadi. If E be the Vadi, B is given as a Samvadi. On the other hand, a two-Sruti interval (t.e., a difference of a semi-tone) gives a Vivadi, which would thus answer to a dissonance. This is given as a general rule (fgqcq- gx^q%raqxi%% matanga). Other cases are also noticed; e.g. E is a Vivadi to D, and B to A, and vice versa (ratio of 9 : 10). The notes that do not come under these heads are Anuvadis (e.p., the sixth), cf. Bharata, Natya-Sastra, Chap. 28, Slokas 23-24. Also Sangita-ratnakara ^gUTTI ^RT 31^1 Bt3UTTT ST^ufifrf I UTR* SHpTRR.* STrar Hi Rir | 3i hi I I (*=RT«IT3) % ; • r , 99 . . . * THE POSITIVE BACKGROUND OF HINDU SOCIOLOGY. INDEX I. SUBJECTS. Administration under Cholas highly organised, 4 Adulteration combated in Sukraniti, 259 Agate (gomeda) in Sukraniti : Classification and worth, 122 Favourite of Rahu, 122 Identification doubtful, 121 Agate, sources of, 122 Age of animals told by teeth, in Sukraniti, 304, 305 Agricultural character of Sukra’s country, 45 Agriculture in Sukraniti: Caste division of labour, 257 Crops important to State, 182 — require special department or official, 182 — rules for collection and storage, 183 Grain stored for war emergencies, 183 Laws for agriculturists, 181 Number of cows according to caste, 181, 257 Prices of cows and buffaloes, 258 Rank among industries, 180 Rent, principle of, 181 Revenue from live-stock, 258 Taxation, how to be levied and collected, 181 Trade laws, 183 Women to assist men, 257 Air-chariots of ancient India, 41 Air, function, propagation or diffusion of, 42 — figurative references to, 42 Ajanta paintings, 226 Ajnataswamika, ownerless property or treasure-trove law, 104 Alkalies mentioned in Sukraniti, 125 Allied industries, illustrations of, 123 Alloys in Sukraniti: Kamsya (bronze, or bell-metal), 102 — used for badges and images, 102 Pittala (brass), 102 Anatomical knowledge of ancient Hindus, 234, 28g, 297, 298 Anatomy: Chapters on, inserted in non-medical works, 299 Influence of, on the arts, 300 Intimate association with Hindu general litera- ture, 300 Literary references not casual, but fruit of study, 3 00 Part of a liberal education, 298, 300 Source of artistic conventions, 301 Strictly observed in image-making, etc., 300 Widely known in ancient and mediaeval India, 2g8 Anatomy in Sukraniti: Ages of man and animals, 303 Authors’ adequate knowledge, 301 Horse fully treated, 301 Measurements of elephants and bulls, 303 — — horses, 302 47 Anatomy in Sukraniti—■cont.— Teeth of bulls as showing age, 305 — — horses as showing age, 304, 305 Anatomy in Tantric literature : Baseless criticism of, 2gi (note) Better than that of medical works, 2go Chakras and padmas = plexuses and ganglia, 292 “ Contemplation ” on the Chakras develops psychic gifts, 292 Difficulties of identification, 290, 291, 292 In Shiva Samhitd, 290 Yoga stages of Pratyahara and Samadhi, 293 Anatomy, non-medical, in Brihat Samhitd, 296 Animal art, Hindu and Persian compared, 22g —• dissection and sacrifice forbidden by Buddhists, 234 — drawings of Hindu artists, 229 — forms in various arts, 225 — hospitals founded by Buddha, 235 — incarnations ofVisnu, 223 — motives in Hindu art, 225-9 — products used in medicine, 231 — slaughter, prohibitions in Asoka’s Edicts, 218 Animal corps in Sukraniti: Budget of expenses, 263 Civil uses as well as military, 263 Details show good knowledge of management, 263 Horses and vehicles, regulations for, 263 Proportional numbers of animals, 262 Strength in proportion to income of State, 262 Animals associated with gods, 223 — early trading in, 262 — Hindu reverence for, shown in the arts, 227 — in Brihat Samhitd, 230 — — Hindu medical literature, 231 Indian architecture, 224 Animals in Sukraniti: Animals mentioned, 48 Bear, black, 247 Boar, a source of pearls, 249 Bulls, stupid, 264 — require control, 264 Cat, king to watch as a, 246 Cattle, include goats, 248 Cow, price of, 248, 258 Deer, fond of music, 249 — housing of, 249 Dog, contemptible, 247 Elephant analogies, 264 — riding, privilege of rank, 263 Goats and sheep, prices, 248 — — — revenue from, 2 48, 249 —■ stupidity of, 248 Horse sacrifices, 263 Animals in Sukraniti—cunt.— Lion, king of beasts, 245 — embodiment of strength, 245 — taming of, 245 Monkeys, sensitive to poison, 245 — followers of Rama, 245 Tiger, hunting of, 246 — untamable, 246 — same tribe as lion, 246 — on State emblems and seals, 246 ■ Whale, symbol of hugeness, 250 Animals, protected, list from Kautilya, 243 — safe distances from, 264 Antidotes, vegetable, to snake-bites, 165 Antiquities of Eastern India : recent research, 128 Apastamba proved to be a Southerner, 28 Archery, science regarded as Dharma, n Arka, fibre-plant used in gunpowder-making, 187 Arnold, Matthew, his libel on India, 213 (note) Arthasdstra, Kautilya’s, ancient “ Imperial Gazet teer ” of India, 7 Arthasastra, science of politics and economics com bined, 19 Art, Indian, botany in, 179 — — ideals of, 301 not enslaved by religious tradition, 224 (note) superior in certain respects to Grecian, 226 truly indigenous, 225 Arya race, four castes of, 50, 51 Aryas, or Aryans : Abuse of, punishable by banishment, 52, 56 Cultivated classes of Hindus, 49, 52 In Sukraniti comprised all four castes, as dis- tinguished from the Mlechchhas, 57 Invasion of Europe by, proved mythical, 53 In V’edic times comprised the three higher castes only, 57 Not a race but a cult, according to Iyengar, 53 Orthodox population between Himalayas and Vindhyas, 56 Religious class, as opposed to Dasas, 54 Assessment of land determined by water-supply, 35, 42, 46 Astrology important to princes, no Astronomy in Sukraniti, 38 Asuras: An ambiguous word, 58 Applied to both gods and demons in Rig Veda, 5» Disciples of the sage Sukracharyya, 51, 58 Philological explanation, 58 Asuras in Sukraniti : Images of, to be larger than those of gods, 51 Mentioned as demons attending the gods, 51 Purvadevas, demi-gods, race of Hindu Titans, 49. 5L 5 2 Atharva Veda, plant lore in, 153 Autumn, delightful season in India, 44 Ayurveda, or medical science, scope of, 235 Bali, Sanskrit literature of, 8 Bamboo, use of, 186 Barley, a food for horses, also a manure, 185 Battles, decided by elephants, 280 — — — seasons, 44 Beef-eating discarded by Brahmans in deference to Buddhism, 24 — in ancient India, 20, 23 — suggestive references to, in Sukraniti, 24 Beggars, able-bodied, to be expelled the city, 47 Betel and ganja, narcotic plants, 187 Betel-leaf, importance in South India, 188 Bi-metallism in Sukraniti, 95 Birds, destruction of, injurious to agriculture, 243 (note) Birds in Sukraniti : Birds important to State, 250 Cranes, drunk at sight of poison, 252 Cuckoo, sweet note of, 250 Drakes, swans, ganders, emblems of passionate love, 252 Ducks, limp at sight of poison, 252 Gackle, bird sensitive to poison, 250 Hawk, art of catching, 251 Jungle-fowl, or cock, crows at sight of poison, 252 Parrots, teachableness of, 250 Peacock, dances at sight of poison, 251 — divided note of, 251 Pigeon and hawk battle formations, 251 Birds in textile arts, 225 — King of, 222 Boar, Visnu’s incarnation as a, 223 Boots in ancient India, 261 Borrowing, unauthorised, an offence, 94 Botanical areas of India, 147 — geography of India, from Hooker and Thomson, 146 —- limits approximate only, 148 — variations, seasonal, 145, 147 Botanists and herbalists, ancient Greek, i8g Botany, ancient sources of, 190 — European compared with Hindu, 200 — Hindu and European began as handmaid to medicine, 192 important in history of the science, 192 neglected by modern students, 193 — in Indian art indigenous, not exotic, 180 — sculpture and painting, 179 Botany in Sukraniti: Botanical analogies, 189 — produce as merchandise, 167 Chronological bearing of the literary evidence, 160 Classification of plants, 130, 189 Conclusion from the ecological evidence, 152 Conclusions from the literary evidence, 160 Forest trees of Sukra identified, 136-40 Fruit-bearing trees of Sukra identified, 131-5 Light thrown on place and date of Sukra cycle, 130 Literary evidence not yet fully analysed, 153 Other plants of Sukra identified, 141-3 Place of botany in Sukra’s scheme, 130 Sukra flora analysed, 144 compared with Bengal flora, 149 — Charaka flora, 155 — — — — Gujrat flora, 148 — — Indus Plain flora, 151 — — Kalidasic flora, 159 —. — — — South Indian flora, 150 — Varaha flora, 156 — — — — Vedic flora, 153 — — generally sub-tropical, 145 — — locality deduced from literary evidence, 152-60 — — widely distributed, 144 Utilitarian treatment of, 130, 190 Botany, modern Indian, how it has been studied, 194 — — — its aim, 196 — defect, 196 Botany, ancient Hindu: Anticipates modern science, 200 Botany, ancient Hindu—cont.— An untrodden field, 197, 207 Classification described, 204-6 Classifies by properties, 204 Compared with European, 200 Gives facts, but not reasons, 203 Hopes of revival, 207 Lost through neglect, 196 Modern facilities for study, - 07 Requires development, 203 Research work necessary, 207 Botany, science of, history and evolution, 191 — modern, 191, 192 ■ traced to Theophrastus, 192 — scope of the term, 190 Brahmanas, killing of, a casus belli in Sukraniti, 259 Brahmanism in Eastern India in twelfth century, 24 Brass, at least as old as sixth century a.d., 87 — and bronze vessels preferred by Hindus to earth- ern, etc., 102 — made with cadmium or calamine by ancients, 101 Brasses and bronzes in Hindu mediaeval art, 102 Brihat Samhita, drawn upon by Sukra, 159, 175, 176 — ■— localised character of, 158, 174 — — the “ Physics and Politics” of the Hindus, 63. 74 Bronze, doubt as to mention in Vedic literature, 85 Buddha’s death—date and place, 29, 30 Buddhism : Decaying in South and-Central India while flourishing in Bihar and Bengal, 26 Mediaeval, supplanted by Hinduism, 25 Popular religion of mediaeval Eastern India, 24. 25 Still extant in hills of Orissa, 25 Buddhist Vinaya literature, scope of, 2 Builders, the Chola kings as, 4 Building, direction in, important in Sukraniti, 20 Bull, loosing in sacred city, a highly meritorious act, 222 Bulls, Abul Fazl on, 288 — fighting, in Indian art, 227 — in Sukraniti : How controlled, 288 Imbibe qualities of trainer by associat on, 287 Kept on watered lands, 288 Prices and points of good, 288 Burbank, Luther, his modern miracles with plants, 178 Cabinet, or ministry, in Sukra polity, 306 Cadmium, or calamine, used for brass before dis- covery of zinc, 101 Camel corps, appendage of wealthy Hindu kings, 244 possession of, proves wealth rather than locality, 245 Camel, domesticated in India in Arthasdstra times, 244 — nowhere found wild, 244 Camel-post in Moghul times, 288 Camels, Abul Fazl on, 288 —• in Sukraniti : Day’s journey, 288 How controlled, 288 Kept in forests, 288 Price, 288 Camels kept for fighting purposes, 288 — sources of, 288 Capital-city, site determined by physical features of the territory, 36, 164 Carts drawn by horses, references to in Sukraniti, Cassiterides, Tin Islands, from Sanskrit kdstira, tin, 100 Castes (four) of the Arya race, 50, 51 Ceylon (Sinrhala, Taprobane), ancient sea traffic with mainland, 29 — gold and pearls of, renowned in ancient Greece, 78 — in Sukraniti, 29, 37 —- noted for artificial pearls, 29, 37 Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas, empire of, 4 Charaka, a Hindu Theophrastus, 193 Charaka Samhita more encyclopaedic than Brihat Samhita, 158 Charcoal for gunpowder in Sukraniti, 123 Chemical industries, decay of, in modern India, 124 — — flourished in ancient India, 124 — skill of Hindus captured world’s markets, 79 Chhalas, offences against etiquette, 94, 185, 188, 261 Chola dynasty, prolific of great kings, 4 — kings, doubt as to their relations with Pala kings, 5 Cholas, empire of, 4 Chrysoberyl (vaiduryya) in Sukraniti : Classification, 121 Favourite of Ketu, 121 Identity uncertain, 121 Citron, a sacred plant, 188 Classical period of Hindu literature, works of, 74 (note) Climate, Indian, more tropical than its latitude, 146 peculiar seasonal changes in the north, 147 Clouds, as source or mother of pearls, 43, 74 — — water-supply, compared with rivers, 35, 42 Coin, counterfeit, State to guard against, 82 Cold, extreme, no reference to in Sukraniti, 43 Conch-shells, important in Hindu ritual, 255 — in Sukraniti, 255 Contradictory sacred texts, how dealt with, 10, 11 Copper in Sukraniti: Alloys with tin and zinc, 98 Royalty, wages, 98 Testing, wastage allowance, 97 Value, ratio to other metals, 98 Copper, sources of, ancient and modern, 98 Copper-ware, ceremonial, 98, ro2 Coral in Sukraniti: Class and price, 122 Favourite of Mars, 122 Liability to fade, 122 Softness, 122 Coral used in Hindu medicine, 122 Cotton manufacture, a pre-historic Indian industry, 187 — metaphorically referred to in Sukraniti, 186 Cow, appreciation in Encyclopedia Britannica, 259 — Indra’s Wishing, 223 I — most sacred animal of Hindus, and why, 222 Cows, killing of, a casus belli in Sukraniti, 259 Cow-worship, history of, may help to date Sukraniti, 259 Cowries as money, 103, 256 — in Sukraniti as currency unit, 256 Cultivated plants, suggestions for a history of, 161 (note) Culture, Indian national, fundamentally uniform, t5 ( 37« ) Daksinatya of Sukraniti identified with Southern India, 26, 31 Damascus blades, a triumph of early Hindu metal- lurgy, 79 Darwinism anticipated in Brihat Visnti Purana, 203 Dasyus, or Dasas, not a race but a cult opposed to Aryas (Iyengar), 53 — — — aboriginal race supplanted by Aryas (Vaidya), 54 — identified with the Yavanas of Sukraniti, 54 Date of Sukraniti, to be inferred from the mention of Mlechchhas, 56 — — — inference from metallurgical portions, 88 ■ — inference front portion giving doctrine of the nine gems, 114 — —- — between tenth and fourteenth centuries, 115 — — — inferences from botanical evidences, 161, 117 — — — to be inferred from the Doctrine of Di- vinity and Inviolability of the Cow, 259 Deccan plateau known anciently as Maharastra, 31 Delhi, tropical plants of, 145 Demi-gods of Sukraniti, 51 Dendrology in Sukraniti, 189 Desert forts superior to those protected by ditches only, 46 Dharma-sastras, to be known as Smriti, 11 Dharma-sutras, purpose and scope, 2 Diamond fields of India, 117 — the famous Kohinur, legend of, 117 in Sukraniti: Best of gems, 115 Considerations affecting price, 116 Money value, 116 Diamonds, Indian, not found in original matrix, 117 — — the first known in Europe, 117 Dissection, animal, not mentioned in ancient Hindu treatises, 297 — human, practised by ancient Hindus, 297 Distribution of animals, minerals, plants, trees, help to fix locality, 48 Diversity of Indian national ideals and institutions explained, 16 Divisions of ancient India, 20 Drawing, Hindu accomplishment in, 229 Drunkenness, not the worst of vices, in Sukraniti, 166 Dyes, fast, a triumph of early Hindu chemistry, 7g Dye-yielding plants, 165, 187 Earth, wealth of the, 46 Eastern India, the source of Sukraniti, 24, 27 Ecology, abstract, in Sukraniti, 189 Education, modern Indian, defects of, 193 Elephant in Indian art, 226, 227, 229, 264 Elephant-killing, a capital crime, 280 Elephant, rut of, a poetical symbol for passion, 264 — sacred to Indra, 223 Elephants, Abut Fazl on price and breeds in Moghul times, 284 — abundance and distribution in India, 280 — breeds, various classifications, 283, 284, 285 — capture of, 286 — ceremonies relating to, 242 — classification in relation to training, 286 —- height, average, 284 — — how measured, 283 - housing of, 287 Elephants in Sukraniti: Breeds, or classes, 282 Kept in forests, 287 Less elaborately described than horses, 280 Money value, 286 Points, Sukra’s compared with modern, 280, 281 Training, etc., details scanty, 286 Elephants, military movements of, 287 — modern uses as draught animals, 279 — number of nails on feet, 281 — omens, reassuring or disquieting symptoms, 282 -—• points of, by Varaha, 281, 282 — prices of, modern, 286 — sources of, 285 — State officials concerned with, 310 — Treatise of Palakapya Muni on, described, 237 — Treatises on the veterinary science of, 235 — use in ancient and mediaeval India mainly mili- tary, 279 Elphinstone on Mann Samhitd, 2, 3 Emerald in Sukraniti : Classed with pearls and rubies, 120 Favourite of Mercury, 120 Emeralds, sources of, 120 Empires and kingdoms of Hindu history, the most prominent, 3 Ethnology in Sukraniti: Difficulties of identification, 52 Eight tribes, classes or races mentioned, 49 Lacking in detail, 49 Names now loosely and metaphorically ap- plied, 53. Sukra's races Compared with those of other writers, 52-g Evolution, theory of, described in Brihat Visnu Purana, 202 Fablfs about animals, 219 — of Pilpay, real author and source, 221 — and folk-lore, value to the student, 221 F’airy-tales, Indian, 219 — referring to gold and gems traced to India, 78 Famine plants, 165 Fermented drink, plants yielding, 165 Fibrous plants, 165, 186, 187 Fish, an emblem of kings, 255 Fish-eating in ancient India, 23 — treated as abnormal in Sukraniti, 255 Fishes, a source of pearls, 255 Fishing familiar to Sukra authors, 255 Fish motive in Hindu art, 227 Flesh-eating, enjoined at the Madhuparka cere- mony, 23 Flora and Fauna of Sukraniti, 46 Floral lore of the Atharva Veda, 153 — — Brihat Samhitd, 156 — — Charaka Samhitd, 155 — — Raghuvamsam, 159 Fly flappers, ancient insignia of royalty, 261 Fodder plants, 165, 185 Folk element in Hindu art, 229 Food plants, 165 Forest laws, 47 '— poor advised to live in a, 47, 161 Forestry, development of, 170 — Indian, under British rule, 170 — modern Indian State, dates from 1864, 171 Forests and trees, Hindu ideas on, 171 Forests, importance of, in India, 171 Forests in Sukraniti : Capital city should be near, 164 Classed as domestic and wild, 164 Forests in Sukraniti—cont.— Classes of trees to be planted in, 164 Economic importance, 163 Forest Department of State, functions of, 168, i6g — forts, 163 — officer’s qualifications and duties, 169, 170 — produce, taxation of, 164 — tribes as auxiliary lorces, 163 Hunting a royal function, 162 Importance in social economy, 161 Important sources of revenue, 162 Laws of, suggest Sukra’s familiarity with, 162 Plants classed by uses, 165 Retirement to, a religious act, 161 State parks and forests, 168 Timber, etc., as merchandise and raw material, 167 Utility in warfare, r63 Forests, produce of Indian, 164 (note) Forest trees of Sukramti, 136-40 Four, number, a favourite in Hindu classification, 285 Fruit-bearing trees of Sukraniti, 131-5 Furs and skins in ancient India, 260 GambhIra and Gajana ceremonies, significance of, 25 Gandaka river: Geographical and historical details, 30 Mentioned in Sukraniti, 29 Traditional source of gems, 30 Ganders, sacred to Brahma, 222 Ganja, a narcotic plant, 187, 188 Ganja-house (public-house), rules for, 167, 188 Gardener, appreciated by Sukra, 172, 173 Garden, gift of to the people, under the Cholas, 170 Gardening, practical, rules given in Sukraniti, 172 — rules of Sukra and Varaha compared, 174 Garland-weaver, esteemed by Sukra, 172 Gems, artificial, art of making common in early times, 103 — bring prosperity or misery to kings, 74, m — Hindu literature of, shows continuous growth, 76 — — contributed to by all India, 76 — in Brihat Saiiihita, no — in Sukraniti: Chhaya and Prabha, 104 Colour and shape, 104 Gandaka gems sacred, 106 Good gems acceptable from base sources, 106 beneficent, bad, malignant, 106 Hardness of gems, 106 Jewellers deserve State patronage, 103 Mentioned mainly as merchandise, 103 Nine Gems, the, and their classification, 100, 115 full doctrine in Sukraniti only, 115 — Sukra agrees with Sripati, 113 Property law, 104 Qualities as affecting value, 105 — of good stones, 104, Require special housing and an expert guardian, 103 Royalty from mines, 104 Snake stone and its tradition, 105 Testing, an important branch of knowledge, 104 Unlike pearls and corals, cannot deteriorate, 106 Used as money, 103 Gems in Sukraniti—cont.— Value rests on supply and demand, 105 — measured by weight, 106 Gems, known in India from remote antiquity, 103 — medicinal properties of, no — of the Sun and Moon, 39 — special to India known in Mosaic times, 79 — the literature of: Ayurvedic, or classical, 74, 109 Modern Sanskrit, 76, 113 Only partially examined, 73 Pala-Chola, or Tantric, 75, 112 Special Hindu treatises, 73 Vedic literature, 73, iog Gems, the Nine Great: Bearing of evidence on date of Sukraniti, 114 Connexion with the nine planetary gods, 38, 108 Doctrine of, 107 — traced to Sripati, the astronomer, 112 In later literature based on Sukraniti, 114 Literature of, dates from tenth century, 112, 113 Gems, the term mani superseded by ratna, no Gentleman, attire of, in Sukra days, 260 Geography as affecting politics, 7 — in Sukraniti : Compared with that of Briliat Samhitd, 63 Deals with foreign countries, 28 Difficult problems of, 22 Direction and place indicated in general terms, 20 Gives but five definite names, 29 Only incidentally touched on, ig Geology of Sukraniti, 45 Glass, antiquity of, in India, 124, 125 — effect of drinking out of, 125 — only mentioned once in Sukraniti, 125 — superiority of ancient Indian, 124, 125 God of (mineral) riches very appropriate for India, 78, 79 Gods, images of, responsibility attached to their manufacture, 83 — of Western Aryans the devils of the Eastern and vice versa, 59 Gold, ancient Hindus first to discover, 68 — and gems, India’s rich endowment, 78 — of India inspire famous Tamil classics, 78 — — silver as booty, 93 — — — foreign to India, theory rejected by Prof. Ball, 79 — — — sanely valued by Sukra, despised by More, 80 Gold-digging ants, Greek tales of, traced to India, 78 Golden legends, a feature of Indian folk-lore, 78 Gold in Sukraniti: Allowance for waste in the arts, 92 As wealth and as money, 92 Goldsmiths’ remuneration, 94 Methods of testing, 91 Mining royalty, 94 Ratio to silver, 1-16, 95 Traders in, must be licensed, 94 Used to swear by, 93 Use in royal insignia, 93 sculpture, 93 Gold, passed at its metallic value in Chola times, 95 — sources of, 96 Grafting, a recognized process in Sukraniti, 173 Grains (cereals, etc.), importance of, to Sukra’s State, 182 — Sukra’s rules for collection and storage, 183 Granary, superintendent of, his qualifications and duties, r83 Grasses and woods, collectors taxed, 47 Grihya Sutras, scope of, 2 Gums and resins, r65 Gunpowder, recipes for, in Snkraniti, 122 Gupta Empire, 3 Harsavardhana Empire, 3 Heat, extreme, often referred to by Sukra, 43 Heavenly bodies, dual character of, 38 Heliotropic movement, 202 Hemanta season, herald of winter, 44 Herbs, medicinal, early Hindu catalogues, 197 Hills as ramparts and forts, 33 Hima, may mean both snows and dews, 44 Hinayana in twelfth century Bengal, 25 Hindus, only race to withstand Islam, 2to History, medireval, results of recent research, 5 — national, affected by geography, 7 Honey, eight kinds known to Susruta, 233 Horse and rider in Indian art, 226 — sacred to Indra, 223 — sculpture, superb examples at Konarak, Orissa, j 227 Horses, ancient classifications of, 271 Horses in Snkraniti: Actions, gaits, or movements, 278 Beautiful form condones colour defects, 267 Blemishes, 266 Breaking-in, 276 Breeds distinguished by marks, 270 Comparison with modern veterinary science, 304 1 Exercising, 276 Feeding and exercise, Sukra’s and modern practice, 273 Food and drink, 185, 275 Grooming, rules for, 274 Hair-marks immaterial if other points good, 267 High stepping and other actions appreciated, 267 Images not to be made without models, 265 Judgment of by face measurement, 265 Marks, good and bad, and their meanings, 269 Measurements, 265, 302 Not classified by place of origin, 271 Omens, or luck-marks, classification of, 268 Points of beauty, 263 Prices, 267 Proportions of limbs relative to length of face, j 266 Rubbing by hand approved by modern authority,' 275 Seasonal treatment of, 43, 44, 45 Speed of a good horse, 277 Teeth, colour changes, according to age, 305 — order of appearance and changes, 304 Test of good gait—does not tire rider, 267 Training, rules for, 277 Whip, use of, 277 Horses, omens, or luck-marks on, 267 — reasons for grooming, 274 —■ science of, legend of its origin, 243 — stables, trappings and implements, 279 — sugar as a restorative food for, 275 — tasters of food for, 3to — trade in, a feature of first century life in South India, 271 Horses, training and management of, 272 — treatises on the science of, 238 Horticultural miracles, 177 Hospitals for men and beasts founded by Buddha, 235 Humanity, Hindu, much older than Christianity, 272 Idealistic literature of the Hindus, 2 Images of demons, to be larger than those of gods, 51 — of gods to be accurately and artistically wrought, 83 — types of, and their colours, 126 Imitation jewellery, difficulty of detecting, 82 India, ancient, divisions of, 20, 21 — ancient, number of states in, 32 — the “School of Asia” under the Palas and Cholas, 6 “ Indian ” Botany, Forestry and Economics, wrongly so called, 194 Indian national culture—fundamentally uniform, superficially diverse, 15 Indigo, Indian, antiquity of, 187 Indigotin, extraction of, by early Hindu chemists, anticipates modern methods, 79 Industries, associations of allied, important econo- mic principle, 123 — modern Indian, decay of explained, 124 — more varied in ancient India than now, 124 Insects in Snkraniti : Ants as small things, 256 Bee, caught through desire to smell, 256 Bees, hum at sight of poisoned food, 256 Fly, victim to desire of the eyes, 25b Intellect, Hindu, alleged decline of confuted, 209 fighting for life against Islam, 2to — — practical, 210 (note) — — productive of master minds, 2ir Intoxicant-yielding plants, 165, 188 Iron, distribution of, in sixteenth century, 99 — girders in Orissa, 99 Iron in Snkraniti : Images of, recommended, 99 Needles and razors, 99 Royalty, wages, waste allowance, 99 Use in warfare, 99 Iron of the Bible, from India, gg Irrigation, source of, determines assessment of lands, 35, 42, 46 Islamisation of India in thirteenth to sixteenth cen- turies, 7T Islam, strenuous resistance of Hindus to, 210 Islands as convict settlements, 37 — references to in Snkraniti, 226 Itihasa defined, 18 Ivory carving, master work of Gobind Ratan, 226 Jogimara Cave, paintings in, 226 Joint-stock trading, referred to in Snkraniti, g4 Jyotisa, or astronomy, in Snkraniti, 38 Kalachakrayana in twelfth century Eastern India, 25 Kalpavriksa, or Wishing Tree, 12 Kamandaki Niti, abridgment of the Arthasdstra of Kautilya, 8 Kashmir, kingdom of, 7 Kavya defined, 18 Khasa mentioned in Snkraniti, 29, 32 — position of, 33, 50 Khasas, “ people who marry their brothers’ widows,” 32, 49, 50 King, compared with heavenly bodies, 38, 39, 40 Kingcraft (Rajneet), Hindu ideas on, summarised by Abul Fazl, 14 King in Sukraniti : His duties and hours strictly regulated, 307 Must be a good sportsman, 307 Not a mere figure-head, 307 Kings as rulers of the skies, 41 King should possess all the qualities of the eight gods, 40 Kiratas, a class of Aranyaka, or forest tribes, 52 — a species of Mlechchhas, 54, 57 — enlisted as soldiers, 52 — referred to in Vedic literature as cave-dwellers, 57 — term used generally for torest tribes and hill-folk, 53. 57 Ksuma, seed important in measurement, 188 Kushinagara (Buddha’s death-place), identified with Cassia in Gorakhpur, 30 (note) Kuvera, god of the wealth of the earth (mineral wealth), 79 Lac insect, known from ancient times, 233 Land, early surveys of, under Chola kings, 4 — laws in Sukraniti, 181, 182 Lapidaries, Hindu, first masters of their craft, 127 — — proof of their skill, 226 Lead, distribution of in India, sixteenth century, 100 Lead in Sukraniti: Royalty, wastage allowance, 100 Uses—lead images, cannon balls, gunpowder, 100, 123 Value—thrice that of tin, 100 Lead, largely worked in ancient times, 100 Leather goods in ancient India, 261 Leeches, very anciently used in Hindu medicine, 233 Legends of precious stones and minerals traced to India, 78 Life, Buddhist reverence for, 234 — prohibitions against taking, in Asoka’s Edicts, 218 Lion, why badly carved in Orissa, 225 Literature, patronage of, under Chola kings, 4 Literary evidence, necessary cautions, 153 Live stock in Vedic times, 275 Locality of Sukraniti, 24, 27, 64, 77, gi, 146, 152, 159, 160, 245 Lotus in Indian art, 179 — — Sukraniti : A sacred plant, 188 Favourite of bees, 188 Lunar time, preferred for computing interest, 39, 40 Madanapala, in agreement with Sukra, 88 Madhyadesa, location of, 32 — race of beef-eaters mentioned in Sukraniti, 20,32 — woman of, declared unchaste by Sukra, 27, 32 Mahanadi, old name of Mahananda river (not the Mahanadi of Orissa), 30 (note) Maharastra, ancient name f r Deccan, 31 — empire of, 7 Maharatnas, or nine great gems, 38 Mahayana, in twelfth century Eastern India, 25 Man, wonderful structure of, in Atliarva Veda. 295 Mandala, sphere of international influences and interests, Chanakyan doctrine of, g Mani, jewel used as amulet against evil, 73 Manu Sainhita, a Hindu idea of a perfect common- wealth, 2 Manures mentioned by Sukra, 172 — — — Varaha, 176 Maritime commerce, importance recognized in Suk- raniti, 36 Maternal uncle’s daughter, Brahmans may marry, 20, 26 Maurya empire, 3 Mediasval India, results of recent research, 5 Medicinal botany, ancient Indian, 197, igg — properties of metal plates, 84 Medicine, Hindu, at its acme in Ramayana times, 235 — science of, regarded as Dharma, 11 Menstruous women, not ceremonially unclean in North India, 20, 27 Mercury, known as a drug from sixth century, 87, 89 Metal gods, scrupulous workmanship necessary, 83 Metallurgical progress of Hindus shown by Damas- cus steel, 99 Metal mosaic, illustration of ancient Hindu art, 69 Metal utensils and their properties, 84 Metals, amulets of, 86 —- and planets, mystic connexion in Greek and Arab lore, 90 — — — no mystic connexion in Hindu thought, 90 Sarangadhara’s ideas probably from Mussalmans, 90 Metals as drugs, 86 — binding of, 86 — eight or nine of the modern period, 89, go — enumerated by Tantric and later writers, 86, 87 — in Sukraniti : Alloys of, 84 Compared with those of fourteenth-century writers, 87, 88 Seven in number, 84 Metals of Ayurvedic literature, 68 — — modern Sanskrit literature, 71 — — Tantric literature, 70 Vedic literature, 67 — six or seven pure, of Vedic literature, 85, go — testing of, a State function, 83 Metal-work, industries associated with, 83 Metaphor follows literal fact, 108 Meyen on sub-tropical vegetation, 145 Mineralogy, Hindu, knowledge of necessary to guage Sukraniti date, 67 — in Europe, a modern science, 65, 66 — scope of, 65 — — Hindustan, antiquity of, 65 — — Sukraniti : Corrections of author’s translations of vanga and ranga, 84 (note) Difficulty of localizing the minerals, 77, gi Order of study proposed, 77 Referred to only as affecting the life of the people, 64, 65, 90 Relevancy to purpose of the treatise, 63 Treated in three-fold fashion, 63 — with modern discrimination, 64 Value of the data afforded, 64 Minerals and jewels, prolific Sanskrit literature of, 66 — Hindu literature on, of a practical nature, 73 Miners and metal-workers, to be protected and con- trolled by State (Sukraniti), 81, 82 Mines, criminals condemned to, 77 — number still worked in India, 78 Mining, ancient Indian, details from Arthasdstra, 77 Mining in Sukrawjaii Revenue from, to the State, 81 State control of, 81 Ministers of State in Sukraniti, 306 Mirrors of glass probable in ancient India, 124 Mlechchhas in Sukraniti: Cannot be identified until date of Sukraniti fixed, 56 Mentioned five times, 50 Referred to as a Barbarian race or Fifth Caste, 5i Word used as term of abuse, 50 Mlechchhas, mythically created by Vasistha’s Cow, 54 — peoples beyond India, according to the Mahd- bhdrata, 55 — speak Sanskrit imperfectly, 55 — word loosely used, as “ Barbarian,” or “ Hea- then,” 53 — — not found in Vedic literature, 53 — — opposed to Aryas, 55 — — probably had definite signification originally, 53 Modern period in India (thirteenth-sixteenth cen- tury), features of, 71 Moghul Imperialism, foundation of, 71 Moist and dry regions of India, 152 Money in Sukraniti, 103 Monkeys among the most sacred animals, 222 Monocotyledons and climate, Humboldt’s theory, 144 Moon as a measure of time, 39 — importance of in Indian literature, 40 Moral lessons from elephants, 26 j Mukta, gem of the Moon, 39 Musical motives in Hindu art—Tori, genius of music, 229 Music, modes of, as manifestations of unseen musical beings, 228 — science of, regarded as Dharma, 11 Musk, three kinds described in Bhavaprakasa, 233 Muslin, Indian, bought by the Romans, 187 Mustard seeds, 185 Nathism in twelfth-century Eastern India, 25 Nature, Hindu reverence for, 227 — reciprocity with man, Hindu conception of, 228 Nervous system in Shiva Samhitd, 290 Nine (uava), a mystic number, 107 — (iems (Navaratna), Doctrine of, 107 — intellectual luminaries, 107 — — — not contemporary, 108 origin of the tradition, 108 Nilisdstra of Sukracharyya, scope of, 1 — text-book for kings and statesmen, 1 Nitisastras by other writers, 7, 8, 9 — abridgment of, 12 Nitre, India formerly a chief source of, 124 — ingredient of gunpowder in Sukraniti, 122 Nyctitropic movement, 202 Oil-plants and seeds, 165, 185, 186 Omens, or luck-marks, importance attached to by Hindus, 267 — animal, in Brihat Samhitd, 230 -—• science of, authorities not in agreement, 268 — — — Sukra a founder of, 268 — writers on, 267 Ophir, supposed port or district on Malabar coast, 97 . ! Opium, introduced into India from Arabia, 161 (note) Orissa, animal paintings of, 226 sculptures of, 224 Ornaments enumerated by Panini and other early writers, 80 Ornaments in Sukraniti : Importance to the State, 79 National love of, reflected by Sukra, 79 Poetical list of, 79 Three uses of, 79 Unauthorised use of, an offence, 80 Ornaments shown in early sculptures and bas-reliefs, 80 Orpiment, ingredient of gunpowder in Sukraniti, 123 — used to preserve paper in ancient India, 123 (note) Osteology, ancient Hindu : Atharva-Vedic system semi-mythical, 296 Authorities on, 294 Charaka and Susruta schools existed about 500 B.C., 296 Comparison of three principal systems, 2g6 Discrepancies in number of bones accounted for, 297 Surprisingly accurate, 297 Vagbhata’s system combines Charaka and Sus- ruta, 297 Oyster-shells known to Sukra as most prolific source of pearls, 256 Painting and sculpture, Eastern school of, founded under Palas, 5 Paintings, ancient Indian, 226 Pala-Chola period the really last phase of Hindu India, 6 — and Chola kings not inferior to famous Vard- hanas, Guptas, etc., 5 — dynasty covers greatest activity of Bengalis, 4 — kings, problem of their relations with Cholas in tenth century, 5 Palakapya, science of elephants, 235 Palas, empire of, in Bengal, 4 Panini, the Hindu grammarian, date uncertain, 69 (note) Parks, important in Sukra times, i6g Peacocks, exported to Babylon from India, 262 Pearl fishing, its antiquity, 102 Pearl oysters in ancient Greek lore, ixg Pearls, artificial, of Ceylon, 29, 118 — fabled origin of, 74 — fisheries of, ng Pearls in Sukraniti: F'avourite of the Moon, 117 Grades, 117, 118 Measurement, 118 Points affecting value, 119 Qualities, 117 Softness, 117 Sources, 117 Test, 118 Value, how determined, 119 Peasant life in Hindu art, 229 Pests, extermination undertaken by ancient govern ments, 261 Pharmacopoeias, the Indian, 156 Phiringiroga, Portuguese or European disease of syphilis, remedies for, 72 Photosynthesis traced in Rig Veda, 202 Physical geography in Sukraniti, 33 Phyto-pathology of Sukra and Varaha, 172, 176 Picnic in ancient India, 217 Pisachas, a class of demons in Atharva Veda, 57 Pisachas, a race of demi-gods in Sukraniti, 49, 51 Planting, Sukra’s rules for, 173 Plant-names, some Indian, their meanings, 198 Plants and climate, ideas of Brihat Samhitd, 170, 173. 174 — as showing sites for other plants, 174 — exotic to India (reference), 153 — in Vedic literature, 153 — morphology of, facts known to ancient Hindu botanists, 200 — (other than trees) referred to in Sukraniti, 141-3 — sexuality of, known to ancient Hindu botanists, 201 —• Sukra’s classification of, 48 Poisons, experts in, former importance of, 232 — in Hindu medicine, bold use of, 232 -— vegetable, 165 Political Economy as part only of Sociology (Mill, Ingram, Sidgwick), 61 ; (Keynes), 62 — — concerned only indirectly with physical laws (Keynes), 64 — — (science of wealth), regarded as Dharma, n solves few practical problems alone (Keynes), 62 — life, the great Hindu types of, 3-7 — literature, Hindu, 7-17 — organization influenced by geography and topo- graphy, 7 — science, Hindu, difficult to treat systematically, 12 Politics, old Hindu, a wide field for research, 16 Portuguese, political influence of in sixteenth-cen- tury India, 71 (note) Pottery of Burma, ancient fame of, 125 Prediction from human physical features, 296 Progress, Hindu, at high-water mark under the Cholas, 4 Provinces, five great, of ancient India, 21 Pulses in Sukraniti, as horse food, 185 Punishment of transportation, 37 Purana defined, 18 Puranas, style of, compared with that of Sukraniti, 64 Purvadevas, Asuras, or demi-gods, race of Hindu Titans, 49, 51, 52 Raghava, mammoth fish that devoured whales, 37 Raghuvamsam, an intensely national epic, 159 Rainfall, successfully predicted according to Brihat Samhitd rules, 63 (note) Rains, regular, importance of, in Sukraniti, 42 Rainy season, dangerous to horses (Sukra), 44 Rajputs, kingdom of, 6 Raksas, associated with Raksasas in “ Epic India,” 58 — demons in early Vedic literature, 57 Raksasas described in “ Epic India ” as sea-coast folk and cannibals, 58 — race of Titans, rivals of the gods, 4g, 52 Rashtrakutas, empire of Chalukyas and, 4 Rati, seed useful in measurement, 188 Relativity of culture, 211 — — Indian national ideals and institutions ex- plained, 16 Sukraniti, 3 Religion, revivalism in, under Chola kings 4 Religions of twelfth-century Eastern India, 24 Reptiles in Sukraniti: Alligator battle formation, 252 Snake array in battle, 254 Snake-charming, 254 Snake ordeal, 254 48 Reptiles in Sukraniti—cont.— Snakes a source of pearls, 254 Snakes emblems of danger, fury, vehemence, 253. Tortoise simile in road-making, 253 Reptiles of India far more numerous than mammals, 252 Research, recent, in mediaeval history of India, 5 Rhizotomi, ancient root-gatherers, 189, 192 Rice in Sukraniti: Chewing ordeal, 184 Test for pearls, 184 Rivers in Sukraniti: Certain but not copious sources of water supply, 35. 42 Management of, 35 Metaphorical references to, 34 Root, over-estimated by early botany, 189 — re-valued by Valerius Cordus, igo Ruby (manikya), the gem of the sun, 39 — in Sukraniti : Favourite of the sun, 120 Valued with pearls and emeralds, 120 Ruby, sources of, 120 — two distinct stones so-called, 120 Sacred plants, list of, 165 Sahajiya cult in twelfth-century Eastern India, 25 Saivaism flourishes in Pala-Chola period, 6 Saktu, a pulse preparation for horse food, 185 Salagrama stone, 30, 31 Salihotra, science of horses, 238 — scope of treatises on, 240 Saltpetre, India formerly a chief source of, 124 — ingredient of gunpowder in Sukraniti, 46,122 Sanskrit language, Dugald Stewart and, 273 — literature of Bali, historical importance of, 8 — patronage of, under Chola kings, 4 Sap-circulation (Harvey’s discovery), anticipated in Mahdbharata, 201 Sapphire, a blue ruby, 121 — in Sukraniti: Classification and value, 121 Favourite of Saturn, 121 ! Sapphire, sources of, 121 Sarvabhauma, highest grade of ruler, 37 ! Science, Hindu : Advanced state of, 208 Antiquity of denied by Ball, 272 Compared with German, 208 (note) Continuous evolution of, 208 Kept pace with European to middle of seven- teenth (and for all practical purposes) to beginning of nineteenth century, 209 Sciences regarded as Dharma, n Sculpture and painting, eastern school of, founded under Palas, 5 — Indian, prominence of plant forms in, 179 Sea as “ scientific frontier ” of Indian Napoleons, 37 I — in Sukraniti: Economic importance of, 36 Poetical references to, 36 Ready access to, desirable for State or capital, 36 Seasons, the six Indian, 43 Sensuousness and anger, utilities of, 167 Serpents as sacred animals, 222 Seven pure metals, doctrine of, 84, 88, 89, go —• number, in Indian mysticism, 89, go | Ships, prows of, representing animals, 225 I Shoes in ancient India, 261 Silks in ancient India, 261 Silver, decline in value since Sukra times, 95 — in Sukraniti: Allowance for waste in the arts, g6 King’s royalty on sales of, 97 Referred to in connection with gold, 96 Silversmiths’ wages, 97 Value of, in relation to gold and copper, 95, 97 Silver, sources of, 97 Simhala—see Ceylon Skies, lauding heroes to the, 41 Smriti Sastras, 9, 10, 11 : All equally authoritative, 10, 11 More comprehensive than Niti Sastras, 11 Said to be thirty-six in number, 10 Snake-bite, Hindu skill in treating, 232 Snake poison, used in Hindu medicine from time immemorial, 232 Soaps, vegetable, 165 Sociology, must be encyclopaedic, 61 — subordinate to biology (Comte), 61 Solar time, preferable for computing wages, 39 Soul, seat of the, 291 South India, climate and vegetation of, 150 Spade work necessary in investigating Hindu socio- logy, 16 Spinal cord, anatomy of, in the Tantras, 290-3 Spring, references to in Sukraniti, 45 — season par excellence of Hindu poets, 45 Spy, importance of, in Sukra polity, 306 Squirrels as sacred animals, 222 Srauta-sutra, the older ritualistic literature, 2 Srutis (sacred texts), contradictory, how dealt with, 10, 11 State forestry in Sukraniti, 168 — intervention in industry advocated in Sukraniti, 94 — officers of, in Sukraniti, 306 States, number of, in ancient India, 32 Steel, Hindu workers in, unrivalled until quite modern times, 99 Stone architecture, antiquity in India, 127 — carving, high perfection of, in ancient India, 127 — for furniture, selection according to astrological rules, 127 — images and monuments of ancient India, recent discoveries, 128 Stone in Sukraniti: Care requisite in carving, 126 Carvers recognized by the State, 127 Durability next to that of metals, 126 Images in coloured stone, rules for, 126 Industries very important, 126 Ingredient of gunpowder, 123, 126 Natural images of, 126 Substitution, Doctrine of, 211 Sub-tropical zone, features of, 145 Sugar-canes, 186 — making, very ancient Indian industry, 186 — value of, as food and restorative for horses, 275 Sukracharyya compared with Montesquieu, 60 — one of the world’s Rajgurus, or royal tutors, 1 Sukraniti: As the “ Architectonic ” science, or sociology, 61 Authorship a vexed question, 3 — probably composite, 2 Compared with Montesquieu’s “ Esprit des Lois,” 60 — — Puranas, 64 Sukraniti—cont.-—• Contains 4966 lines Describes a high degree of social development, 3 Difficulties of locating in time or place, 241 Discovered by Dr. Mitra in 1875, 122 (note) Embodies the Hindu culture of its time, 3, 241 How far an idealistic work like Plato’s “ Re- public,” 2 Incorporates existing laws, 3 Indebted to Brihat Samhitd, 159 Not an Itihasa, Kavya, or Purana, 18 Probable source deduced as Eastern India, 24, 27 Scholarly, 241 Style serious and matter-of-fact, 45 Synthetic, 62 Sulphur in medicine, as old as Charaka Samhitd, 122 (note) — in Sukraniti as an ingredient of gunpowder, 46, 122 —- mining in ancient India pre-supposes allied industries, 123 — — — modern India decayed through neglect of allied industries, 123 Sumantra’s (finance minister) duties, 81, 162, 182 Sun as a measure of time, 39 Surgery, practice of on dead animals, 234 — skill of the Hindus in, 234 Surveys of land under Chola kings, 4 Tamil classics relating to the gold and gems of India, 78 Tantras, Puranas of India on the eve of Islamisation, 70 Tantric period (800-1200 a.d.), characteristics of, in Northern India, 70 Tantrism absorbs Buddhism and Brahmanism in Pala-Chola period, 6 — in twelfth-century Eastern India, 25 Teeth of animals as index to age in Sukraniti, 304, 305 Temperance, Sukra on, 166, 167 Testing of minerals considered important in Sukraniti, 82 Tests for gold in Sukraniti, 91 Textiles in ancient India, 261 Texts, contradictory sacred, how dealt with, 10, 11 Theophrastus, “ Father of Botany,” 192, 193 Tila (Scsamum Indiana), oil-seed used as manure, 186 Timber, four classes of, 285 — merchants in Sukra times, 168 — trees, 165 Timbers of Indian forests, 164 (note) Time, three systems of measurement of, 39 —• two divisions of, 43 Tin in Sukraniti : Alloy with copper, 100 Royalty, wages, waste allowance, 99 Value, one and a half times that of copper, 100 Tin, known to Hindus in Vedic times, 100 — ore, not plentiful in India, 100 — sources of supply, 100 Topaz, a yellow ruby, 121 — in Sukraniti: Class and price, 121 Favourite of Jupiter, 121 Topaz, sources of, 121 Topography as affecting politics, 7 Tortoises, remarkable carved, 226 Town planning, 36, 164 Toxicology, Hindu, 232 Tradition, smoothing action of, 108 Transmutation of species in plants, 178 Treasurer, qualifications of a, 93 Treasure trove (Ajnataswamika), 104 Trees and plants, distribution of, an index to locality, 48 — in Sukraniti : Classified as domestic and wild, 48, 164 Kinds mentioned or described, 131-40 Trees possessed of souls, according to Hinduism, 171 Unchastity in women no guide to locality, 27 University education in modern India, 193 Vaisnavism flourishes in Pala-Chola period, 6 Vajrayana in twelfth century Eastern India, 25 Varahamihira the Luther Burbank of Hindu India, I Winter in Sukraniti, 44 Women, killing of, a casus belli in Sukraniti, 259 Wood industries in Sukra times, 168 Woollen goods in ancient India, 261 Wool of rats, 261 Worms, compassion for, in Sukraniti, 256 Yavanamata, philosophy of the Yavanas, described by Sukra, 22, 50 Yavanas in Sukraniti: A mysterious race, 20, 22, 49 Dr. Mitra’s conclusions on, 23 Identified with Dasyus or Dasas of Vedic Mantras, 54 Identification with Bactrian Greeks improbable, 54. 55 Mix the four castes, 49 Peculiar non-Vedic faith of, 20, 22, 49 Probably a section of the Mlechchha group, 177 Varta, or economics, scope of, 257 Vasistha’s Cow as creator of the Mlechchhas, 54, 57 Vegetation, Indian, generally tropical, 146 reflects changes of season in north, 147 — — richly diversified, 147 — sub-tropical, described, 145 Veterinary department, State : Fines for neglect of duty, 310 Officials not mentioned by Sukra, 310 Veterinary department, State, in Sukraniti : Administration highly organised, 306, 307 Classes of horse experts — riders, trainers, grooms, 310 Covers civil and military stock, 306 King’s important functions, 307 Military division alone dealt with by Sukra, 3°6 Minor officials, experts and menials, 309 Organization military and scientific, 310 Superintendents of the various animals, 308 War Minister and his Council, 307, 308 Veterinary science, legendary origin of, 241 — — of the Hindus, 235 natural to an agricultural country, 235 Vijayanagara, kingdom of, 7 Vinaya literature, Buddhist, scope of, 2 Visnu, incarnations as Fish, Boar, Tortoise, etc., 223 Warfare, best and worst seasons for, in Sukraniti, 43. 44. 45 — importance of provisions in, appreciated by Sukra, 183 Watering, Sukra’s seasonable rules for gardeners, 43. 44. 45. 172 Water-supply, Sukra’s comparison of clouds and rivers, 35 Wealth, high appreciation of, in Sukraniti, 79 — science of (Political Economy), regarded as Dharma, 11 Wheat (godhuma) mentioned as a measure for thickness of armour by Sukra, 184 — grown in the cold weather in India, 184 — unknown to the Greeks, 184 — whether native to India uncertain, 184 Wine-drinking, effects noted by Sukra, 167 Wines and spirits, distillation an industry recog- nized by Sukra, 166 — drinking by women, considered abnormal by Sukra, 26 — — — — universal in ancient India, 26 — laws of Sukra concerning, 167 53. 54 Word “ Yavanas ” not in Vedic literature, 53 Yoga, powers induced by “ contemplation ” on the plexuses, 292, 293 — stages of Pratyahara and Samadhi discriminated, 293 Yukti Kalpataru, ancient authority on timber and materials, 168 (note) — — full contents and description ol, 12 Zinc, character of ores, 101 j —- first mentioned by Sukra and Madanapala, 85, 88 Zinc in Sukraniti : Alloy with copper to make brass, 101 Value—twice that of tin, thrice that of copper, 101 Wages, waste allowance, 101 Zinc, introduced into Europe from India, 101 — not known to ancients, 101 —- Sanskrit name for, ranga, 84 (note) — sources of, in sixteenth century, 101 Zoology, classification of Varaha and others, 230, ! 233, 234 Zoology, economics, in Sukraniti : Bird catchers and leather merchants to be en- couraged, 260 Flesh or meat eating a local custom, 260 Leather industries important, 260 Milk, ghee, honey, etc., not to be adulterated, 259 Shoes in universal demand, 260 Wormy grain not to be stored, 260 Zoology, European, history of to eighteenth century, 214 — Hindu compared with European, 214 ! — in Asoka’s Edicts —care for animal life, 218 —- in Hindu art, 224-30 — — — folk-lore, 219 ■—• — — religion—sacred animals, 221-3 — — — Mauryan literature, 218 Zoology in Sukraniti : Agricultural stock treated slightly, 242 Animals and poisons, 242 — used mainly as analogies, etc., 242 Camel corps, army, no guide to locality, 244, 245 Compared with Kautilya’s zoology, 243 Featureless compared with Sukra’s botany, 243 General, not specific, 242 Practical and scientific features neglected, 232 Probably derived from reading only, 244 Zoology in Vedic literature—illustrative extracts, 215 INDEX II. PROPER NAMES AND Abhiras, 21, 260 Aboo, 131 Abul Fazl, 7, 14, 284, 286 Achilles, 227 Achowd, 285 Adanson, 190 Aditya Purana, 23 /Elian, 78, 218 Afghanistan, 3, 21, 23, g8, 101, 133, 138, 147, 271 Africa, 118, 135, 142, 146 Agassiz, 215 Agasti-matam, 66 Agastyamatam, 73, 75, 112, 113, 114, 118, 120 Agni (God of Fire), 38, 53, 85, 112 — Purana, 73, 75, 112, 266, 294, 299 Agnivesa, 68, 198 Agra, 97, 285 Ahana-nuru, 84 Ainslie, 122 Airavata, 223 Aiyangar, Krishnaswami, 4, 16, 29, 32, 78, 84, 170, 246, 261 Ajanna Jataka, 262 Ajanta, 179, 226, 227 Ajatasatru, 296 Ajmere (Ajmir), 6, 98, 288 Ajmere-Merwara, 131 Akbar, 14, 227 Alaka, 159, 160 Alakananda, 138 Alauddin Khilji, 5 Alexander, 12, 55, 6g, 102, 107, 142, 232, 279 Allahabad, 32, 226, 237, 285 Amarakosa, 86, 112, 194, 236, 266, 295 Amarasimha, 80, 107, no Amaravati, 80, 226, 228 Amaraviveka, 73 Amballa, 131 Ambashtas, 21 Amherst, 125 Amrakuta, 159 Anandasrama (Publishing House), 237 Ananta, .23 Andamans, 138 Anga, 117, 238, 285 Angas, 11, 58, 238 Angiras, 9, 10, 11 Anrudhwa, 30 Aparanta, 285 Apararka, 294, 300 Apastamba, 9, 10, 28 Arabia, 23, 118, 135, 167, 271 Arabs, 90, 100 Arakan, 132 Aranyaka, 52, 131, 136, 140, 155, 164, 173 Aratta, 271 Aravalli Hills, 136, 137, 139, 150, 151 Arbudas, 21 LITERARY REFERENCES. Aristotle, 51, 61, 101, 189 Arjun, Sakharam, 196 Arnold, Matthew, 213 Arrian, 119, 218, 232, 261 Artha Sastra (Science of Interests), 11, 17, 19, 52 (Chanakya’s), 7, 8, 13, 77, 101, 125, 162, 169, 170, 242, 244, 261, 266, 271, 275, 278, 280, 285, 286, 287, 310. Arthur, 107 Aruna, 222 Aryas (Aryans), 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 143, 197, 272 Aryavarta, 55, 160 Ascham, Roger, 1 Ashby, 291 Asia, 6, 142, 143 Asiatic Society of Bengal, 194, 195, 207, 237 Asoka, 3, 5, 31, 43, 127, 218 Asoka's Edicts, 23, 218, 243 Asramas, 171 5, Assam, 21, 32, 44, 97, 132, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 150 Assyria, 23 Astadhyayi, igo Astanga Hridaya, 68 — Sangraha, 294 Asuras, 49, 51, 52, 54, 57, 58, 67, 115, 216 Aswachikitsa (Nakula's), 235 Aswachikitsas, Aswasastras, Aswavaidyakas, As- wayurvedas, etc., 238, 239, 240, 305 Aswaghosa (Turangaghosa), 239 Aswalayana, 23, 217, 261 Aswavaidyaka (Jayadatta’s), 239, 240, 242, 266, 267, 271, 272, 305 Aswins, 67 Atharva Veda, 57, 68, 74, 85, 86, 153, 216, 217, 295, 296 Atreya, 11, 296, 297 Atreya-Charaka, 294, 296, 299 Atri, 9, 10 Aufrecht, Prof., 9, 12, 235, 236, 237, 240 Ava, 120 Avadana Kalpalata, 219 Avanti, 156, 159, 268 Ayeen Akbari, 7, 14, 97, 284, 285, 288 Ayodhya, 41, 55, 74, 228, 261 Ayurveda (Science of Medicine), 11, 68, 127, 155, 166, 168, 190, 197, 231, 232, 235, 237, 242, 298 Babhru,11 Babylon, 262 Bacon, 211 Badakshan, 120 Badami, 32 Bagehot, 74 Bahadur, Sultan, 71 Balambhatta, 10 Balhika (mod. Balkh), 101, 120, 271 Bali, 8 Ball, Prof., 79, ioo, 121 Ballala Sen, 24, 107, 294 Baluchistan, 101, 147 Banda, 132 Banerjea, Rev. K. M., 58 Banerjee, R. D., 4, 5 Bangala, 98, 101 Bangalore, 224 Bangiya Sahitya Parisat, 25, 128 Barbara, 118 Barbaras, 54 Baroda, 206 Basti, 127 Basu, Major B. D., 195, 196, 197, 200, 289, 290, 293 — Rai Bahadur Srischandra, 28g Batuta, Ibn, 125 Baudhayana, 10, 11, 262 Baveru Jataka, 262 Bedsa, 31 Begavan, 285 Behar, 27, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 285 Benares, 76, 222, 236, 240, 262 — Sanskrit College, 236 Bengal, 4, 7, 8, 16, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 32, 44, 69, 76, 107, 125, t28, 129, 131, 133, 135, 136. 137. *38, 141. 142, 147. r49. 150, 151, 152, 167, 176, 194, 195, ig7, 200, 207, 219, 232, 233, 261, 285, 289 — Bay of, 29, 147 — College of Science, 207 Berar, 21 Beyganur, 288 Bhagalpur, 33 Bhaguri, 268 Bhaja, 31, 227 Bhandaja, 271 Bhandaram, Saraswati, 236 Bhandarkar, Dr. Sir Ramkrishna Gopdl, 31, 32, 54, 55. 56, 240 Bharadvaja, 11, 268 Bharata, 261 Bharhut, 179 Bhasa, igo Bhaskaracharyya, 21, 112 Bhattacharya, Pandit Mahamahopadhyaya Adityarama, M.A., 12, 73 Bhatta Gurava, 128 Bhattotpala, 236 Bhaudajee, 196 Bhava Misra, 72, 76, 156 Bhavaprakaia, 72, 76, 8g, 114, 115, 206, 233, 294 Bhavrichas, to Bhavisya Purana, 10 Bheda Samhita, 294 Bhoja (Author), 75 — (King of Dhara), 12, 13, 73, rs8, 174, 179, 239, 294 Bhojajanuya Jataka, 262 Bhutan, 71, 97 Bhutas, 243 Bhuvaneswara, 80, 113 Bias, 139 Bible, 192, 271 Bidpai, 221 Bihar, 26 Bijapur, 32 Bijegurh, 285 Bikaneer, Maharaja of, 236, 239 Birdwood, Sir George, 99, 100, 186 Blanlord, 244, 247 Bodin, 74 Bodleian Library, 240 Bodmin, 100 Bombay, 31, 132, 142, 148, 151, 197, 219, 236, 237, 239, 240 Bose, Dr. J. C., 199 Bower MSS., 68, 296 Boyle, 210 Brahma, 12, 55, 107, 222, 223 Brahmagupta, 112 Brahmaputra, 238 Brahma Sambhava, 11 Brahmavaivartta Purana, 30 Brahamayoni, 202 Brandis, 139, 147 Brihadratha, 230 Brihaj Jataka, m, 236 Brihannaradiya Puraija, 23 Brihaspati, 9, 10, 154, 236, 238 Brihat Samhita, 9, 20, 63, 73, 74, 8g, 90, no, in, 112, 118, 130, 156, 157, 158, 159, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 230, 266, 267, 281, 282, 283, 285, 296, 300 — Sarangadhara, 177, 178 — Visnu Purana, 202, 203 Briksayurveda, 199 Britain, 53 Brown, Robert, igi Brunfels, 206 Buckle, 74 Buddha, 26, 29, 30, 6g, no, 226, 227, 228, 234, 235, 296 Budha, 10, n Buhler, George, 28, 239, 262 Bukka, King, 72 Bundelkhand, 117, 150 Burbank, Luther, 177, 178, 179 Burma, 4, 6, 24, 29, 77, 100, 120, 121, 125, 131, 132, 133. z34. !35. 136, 137. 138. I39. M0. !42, 147. 195. 237. 279. 284 Burmese, 282 Burnell, A. C., 237, 239, 240 Burns, Robert, 247 Cachar,150 Calcutta, 128, 199, 206, 207, 229, 232, 237, 238, 240 — Agri-Horticultural Society, 207 — Medico-Physical Society, 207 Cambay, 152, 262 Camerius, 201 Candolle, 184 Carnatic, 150 Cassia in Gorakhpur, 30 Cassim Baba, 186 Cassiterides, 100 Catalogus Catalogorum, 235, 237, 239 Cattack, 66 Cawnpur, 152 Ceylon, 3, 24, 2g, 37, 41, 104, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124, 125, 132, 137, 139, 142, 143, 147, 150, 159, 179, 184, 222, 225, 280 Chaitanya, 71, 107, 212 Chakradatta, 156 Chakrapani Datta, 71, 72, 232, 294 Chakravarti, Manomohan, 160, 217 Chalukyas, 4, 26, 32 Champa, 238 Chanakya, 7, 8, 106, 169, 266 Chanda, 132, 280 — Ramaprasada, 70 Chandragupta 3, 5, 162, 213 ( *380 ) Chandragupta, Maurya, 5, 7, 8, 213, 243, 244, 280, Davids, Mrs. Rhys, 262 310 De, Lai Behari, 219 Chandrakanta, 126 Deccan, 4, 21, 26, 31, 58, 76, 77, 91, 117, 132, 137, Charaka, 23, 76, log, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 138, 143, 147, 150, 152, 219, 280, 289 160, 161, 165, 193, 197, 205, 232, 233, 235, Dehra Dun, 136, 280 236, 242, 297, 300 Delhi, 6, 138, 145, 289 — Sarnhita, 68, 70, 74, 86, no, 155, igo, 294 Descartes, 210, 211 Charlemagne, 12, 107 Deogiri, 4 Charya Charyavinischaya, 25 Devadatta, 72, 76 Chatterji, Prof. Bhim Chandra, 197, 200, 201, 202, Devala, 10, 11, 268 203 Chauhans, 72 Chenab, 133, 137, 139 Cheras, 29 Chersonese, 253 Chhagaleya, 10 Chhandas, n Chhandcgya Upanisat, 202 Chibukas, 54 Chilli, Shaikh, 219 China, 6, 226, 262 Chinas, 54 Chinese, 97, 272 Chitor, 72 Chittagong, 131, 137, 139 Chittral, 138 Chola (mod. Tanjore), 3, 29, 32, 170 Cholas, 4, 5, 6, 16, 69, 70, 78, 95, 188 Chota Gandaka, 30 Chundary, 285 Chutia Nagpore, 117, 131, 134, 136, 137, 139 Chyavana, 10 Circars, 132, 137, 139 Cisalpino, 206 Clarke, C. B., 195 Comorin, 147, 150 Comte, 61 Concan, 150 Coomaraswamy, Dr. A. K., 69, 228, 229 Cordiar, Dr., 294 Cordus, Valerius, 190 Cornwall, too Corse, Mr., 284 Coromandel, 102, 137, 150 Cowell, Prof., 290 Crawford, 8 Crosthwaite, Mr., 127 Cuddapah, 132 Cunningham, 21, 271 Cutch, 151 Cuvier, 215 Dacca, 284 Dacca Silhitya Parisat, 128 Daka, 25 Dakkana Latam, 4 Daksa, 9, 10 — Prajapati, 223 — Sarnhita, 107 Daksinatya, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 76 Dallana, 294, 295 Dampier, 101 Danasagara, 89, 294 Dandaniti, 1 Darjeeling, 98 Darrang, 137 Darwin, 202, 203, 214, 215 Dasa-bodha, 9 Dasakumaracharita, 9 Dasana (mod. Mandasore), 285 Dasaratha, 162 Dasyus, or Dasas. 53, 54, 55, 57 Devapala, 4, 5 Devavardhana, Sri, 268 Deviprasada, Pandit, 236, 239 Dey, Kanay Lall, 195, 207 — Nandalal, 30 Dhalbhum, 98 Dhanur Veda, 9, 11 Dhanvantari, 107 — Nighantu, 20T, 204, 205 Dhara, 12 Dharma, 26, 34 — Sutra of Baudhayana, 262 Dharmapala, 4, 5 Dhata, 154 Dhatri, 135 Dhatukriya, 72, 76, 86, 88, 89, 96, 98, gg, too, roi Dhaturatnamala, 72, 76, 88 Dhawalagiri, 30 Dhimana, 5 Digvijaya, 107 Dinajpur, 128 Dinakara, 236 Dioscorides, 190 Dipamkara, 239, 240 Dipavamsa, 124 Doab, 139 Dobbs, 125 Dowden, Dr. Edward, 60 Dravida, 5, 7, 262 Dravidas, 54. 58 Dravyabhidhana, 194 — Western, 98 Durer, 229 Durga, 128, 223 — Puja, 58 Durlabha, 239 Dutt, Dr. Uday Chand, 65, 66, 67, 6g, 89, 196, 197, 232, 233 Dwaraka, 74 Dwarsamudra, 4 Dwijas, 171 Eardley-Wilmot, 171 Eder, 271 Egypt, 35. T42, 184, 186, 187 Egyptians, 187 Elphinstone, 2, 3 England, 124, 187 English, 53, 226 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 170, 191, 259 Eratosthenes, 184, 187 Eresus, 193 Europe, 65, 101, 124, 125, 142, 143, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194, 200, 212, 213, 214, 219, 226 Europeans, 193, 194, 232 Evans, Lt.-Col. G. H., 237, 279, 281, 282, 283, 286 Fahien, 26 Fatehpur Sikri, 227 Fausboll, 78 Fergusson, 6g, 84, 127 ( Fitzwygram, Lt.-Gen. Sir F., 240, 272, 274, 276, 304 Fleming, John, 195 P'lora Indica, 146, 147, 149, 150, 194 Fort William, 237 France, 53 Frederick, Dr., 8 Frere, 219 Fuchs, 206 Gaekwad of Baroda, Maharaja, 206 Gaertner, 201 Gajachikitsas, Gajavaidyas and Gajayurvedas, 235 236, 237 Gamble, 133 Gana, 239, 240 Gandaka, 29, 30, 31, 106, 126, 140 Gandaki, 31 Gandhamadana, 261 Gandhara, 215, 226 Gandharvaveda, 11 Ganesa, 188, 223 Gangadhara, 295 Gangadwara, 98 Gangaikonda Chola, 4 Ganges (Ganga), 4, 21, 30, 32, 107, t47, 149, r5o 151, 152, 155, 158, 159, 160, 161, 222, 223, 252 280, 291 Ganguly, Manomohan, 69, 84, 99 Ganjam, 21, 31, 261 Garga, 13, 268 Garga Risi, 239 Gargya, ix Garo Hills, 131 Garuda, 222, 268 — Purana 73, 75, 113, 114, 118, 120, 121, 294 Garudastambha, 128 Gauda, 4, 5, 30, 71, 76, 128, 129, 161, 232 Gaudas, 125 Gautama, g, 10, 226, 228 Gautamadri, gg Gaya, 222 Gayadasa, 294 Gayadri, gg Germany, 53, 206 Gharwal, 98 Ghatakarpara, 9, 107 Ghatakarparaniti, 13 Ghats, 131, 132, 133, 135, 137, 138, 139, 280 Ghosh, Dr. Rashbehari, 207 Gobhila, 1, to Godavari, 1x7, 137 Goethe, 215 Goldstiicker, Dr., 55, 208 Gomati, 222 Gondal, the Thakur Sahib of, 197, 231, 235 Gopala, 4 Gorakhpur, 127, 139 Gotamiputra Satakarni, 53 Gour, 125 Govinda, 71 Govindabhagavat, 71 Govinda Chandra, 25 Gray, Dr. W., 148 Greece, 53, 108 Greeks, 54, go, 180, 184, 226, 232 Greene, Edward Lee, 178, 192, 193 Grierson, 25, 57 Griffiths, 179 Grihya Sutras, 1, 10, 23, 217 Grunwedel, 180 381 ) Guha,, Prof. Rajanikanta, iig, 184, 187 Gui, Siva Chandra, 240 Gujrat, 6, 71, 72, 76, 132, 136, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 239, 260, 288 Gulma, 206 Gupta, Kaviraj Biraja Charan, ig6 — Pandit Madhusudan, 233 | — — Umeschandra, 240, 266 Guptas, 3, 5, 107, 108, 217 Gurh, 285 Gurjara, 5 Guzrat, 19, 21, 1x8, 271, 285 H.'eckel, 203, 215 Haidarabad, 21 Haimadesa, 118 Hales, 191 Halley, 2x5 Hamilton, 150 Handy, R. B., 187 Haravali, 266 Harita, 9, 10 — Samhita, 234 Harivamsa, 9 Harsavardhana, 3, 5, 6, 26, 31, 32, 69 Harvey, 201, 215 Harwood, 178 Haryegurh, 285 Hasti-vaidyaka, 235, 236 Hastyayurvedas, 235, 236, 237 Hattendeyah, 285 Havell, 69, 84, 99, 227, 228 Hayes, 240, 275, 276, 277 Hazaribagh, 98 Heeren, 79 Hegel, 74 Hellas, 51 Hellenes, 53 Hemachandra, 266 Hemadri, 23, 236, 239 — Dana Khanda, 11 Hemchandrakosa, 73 Herbart, 201 Hermes, 90 Herodotus, 35, 78, 187 Herringham, Mrs., 227 Hesiod, 101, 191 Hetinda, 288 Hibbert Lectures, 187 Himalayas, 5, 21, 26, 27, 30, 32, 77, 121, 122, 128, I3I, 132, 133. 135. 137- i38. 142, 143. 147. 150. 151, 152, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 180, 255, 261, 280 Hindu Kush, 260 Hindusthan, 5, 6, 14, 32, 55, 125, 147, 156, 159, 208, 209, 211, 219, 221, 224, 232, 259, 272, 284, 288, 299 Hippocrates, igo Hirananda Pandit, 30 Hiranyakasipu, 51 Hiranyakesin, 1 Hiranyavati, 30 Historia Plantarum, 192 Hitopade^a, 9, 219, 220, 221 Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chuang), 3, 6, 21, 24, 26, 27, 29> 3°. 3D 32. 33. 69 Hobson-Jobson, 125 Hoemle, Dr., 293, 2g6, 297, 299 Holland, Mr., 123, 124 Homer, 100, igi, ig2 Hooghly, 145 Hooker and Thomson, 146, 147, 149, 150, 152, 158, 160, 194, 195 Horrwitz, 74 Hosengabad, 285 . Hoysalas, 4 Hultzsch, 237 Hunas, 3, 5, 21, 54, 213 Hunter, 215 Hydaspis, 279 Ik$umati, 222 Indian Ocean, 29, 77, 142 — Pharmacopoeia, 195 Indo-Aryans (Hindus), 58 Indra (God of Clouds), 12, 38, 42, 53, 54, 112, 216, 217, 223, 241, 268 Indus, 21, 54, 133, 134, 136, 138, 140, 147, 149,150, 151, 152, 155, 160, 219 Ingram, Dr., 61 Iran, 288 Iranians, 54, 58 Irrawadi, 131, 134 Islam, 6, 210, 211 Isvara, 10 Italy, 53, 125, 227 Iyengar, Principal P. T. Srinivas, 23, 53, 56 Iyer, Chidambram, 74, 177 Jabala, 10 Jabali, 11 Jabalpur, 140 Jacob. 215 Jagaddala, 24 Jalmeer, 288 Jamadagni, 10 Jamma, 137 Janaka, n, 294 Janet, 60 Japan, 6, 97, 187 Jataka Baveru, 262 Jataka-paddhati, 112 Jataka Parijata, 113 Jatakas, 78, 190, 219, 220, 221, 262 Jatukarnya, 11 Java, 6, 8 Jawar, 101 Jayadatta, 239, 240, 268, 272, 305 Jayadeva, 239 Jayaswal, Kashi Prasad, g, 17, 125, 184, 213 Jeypore, 237, 238 Jhansi, 136 Jharkhend, 285 Jhelum, 132 Jivananda, 294 Jogimara Cave, 226 Jones, Sir William, 194, 221 Jordanus, Friar, 119 Judhpoor, 288 Jumna, 137, 138, 139, 151, 226 Jupiter, 38, 90, 113, 121 Jussieus, 206 Jyotirvidabharana, 107 Jyotisaratnamala, 75, 112, 113 Kach, 239 Kafirs, 53 Kailasa Mountain, 57, 159, 261 Kaivarta, 128 Kakatyas, 4 Kalhana, 18 Kalidasa, 18, 19, 26, 41, 51, 57, 107, 108, no, 153, 159, igo, 228 Kaligrama, in Malda, 129 Kalika Purana, 84 Kalikala, 128 Kalinga, 285 Kalmgam, 4, 21 I Kalingas, 55 Kalpa Sutra, 1, 23 Kalpataru, 11 Kama, 227 Kamadhenu, 222 Kamadugha, 223 Kamandaka, 1, 8 Kamandaki Niti, 8, 13 Kamarupa, 21, 96, 98, 233 Kama Sutra (Vatsayana), 9 Kamboja, 101, 128, 271 Kambojas, 260 Kamthaka, 228 Kanada, 11 Kanara, 132, 137 Kanauj, 5, 6, 24, 76, 161 Kanchi, 32 Kandahar, 23 Kandala Ghat, 132 Kangra, 137 Kanjilal, Upendra Nath, 196 Kankas, 261 Kansa, 12 Kantakinah, 131, 157, 164 Kanu Bhatta, 25 Kapilavastu, 226 Kapinjala, 11 Kapisthala, 268 Karka, 121 Karli, 31 Karmakanda, xoo Karna, 117 Karnul, 132 Karsnajini, 11 Kartika, 223 Kartikeya, 243, 251 Karusa, 21, 285 Kashmir, 7, 18, 19, 21, 27, 28, 33, 50, 55, 76, 97, I2i, 133, 141, 143, 219, 229, 233, 289 Kasia, 127 Kastvar, 33 KaSyapa, 10, 11 Katha, 10 Kathakosa, 219 Kathasarit Sagara, 78, 2ig Kathiawad, 239 Katyayana, 9, 10 Kaulavali, 300 Kautilya, 7, 8, 17, 77, 242, 243, 261, 271, 275, 278, 279, 280, 285, 286, 287, 310 Kavira, 71, 212 Kaviraja Avinas Chandra Kaviratna, 86 Kedara, 100 Kekkana, 271 Kennedy, 262 Kerala (mod. Malabar), 3, 32 Keralas, 54 Kern, Dr., 170 Ketu, 38, in, 113, 115, 121 Kew, 194, 195 Keynes, Dr., 62, 64 Khana, 25, 174 Khandes, 132, 137, 239 Khasa (mod. Khakha), 29, 32, 33, 49, 50, 52, 54 Khasi, 137 — Hills, 131, 132, 135, 138, 139, 150 Khilas, 10 Kielhorn, 236, 239 King, Mr., 226 Kirata Land, 71 Kiratarj uniyam, 9 Kiratas, 49, 52, 53, 54, 57, 159, 163 Kirby, 215 Kirtikar, Lt.-Col. R. R., 196, 200 Kistna, 117 Knowles, 219 Koelrenter, 201 Kohinur, 117 Kolutunga, 4 Konarak, 113, 225, 227 Konkan, 21, 132, 135, 150, 285 Koran, 210 Kouvara, 118 Kowalewsky, 214 Kratu, ir Krisna (god), T2, 229 — Dvaipayana, 10 —• (river), 280 Krisnavidyabhyasa Prakararna, 9 Ksapanaka, 107 Ksatriyas, 55, 57 Ksemendra, 2tg Ksiraswamin, 236 Ksuma, 188 Ktesias, 78 Kumaon, 98, 131, 135, 138 Kumarasambhavam, 201 Kumari (Comorin), 21 Kumbhakarna, 51 Kumbhadri, 101 Kundaka Kucchi Sindhava Jataka, 262 Kurnul, 98 Kurram, 132, 138 Kuruksetra, 159, 222 Kurus, 21 Kurz, Mr., 195 Kutsinagara, 30 Kutch, 21, 151, 288 Kuvera (God of Fortune or Riches), 20, 38, 78, 79 Laghu Harita, 10 Lahore, 6, 132, 236, 237, 239, 290 Laila-Majnun, 229 Laksmana, 228 Laksmi, 188, 223 — Narayana Samvada, 31 Lamarck, 215 Lama Taranatha, 4 Lassel, 187 Lassen, 79 Laugaksi, n Lavoisier, 191 Law, Narendranath, 8, g, 17, 242, 243, 261, 310 Leibnitz, 211 Likhita, 9, 10 Limurike, 253 Linnaeus, 194, 206, 211, 215 Lisboa, 196 Lohadri, gg Lohara, 33 Louhitya River (Brahmaputra), 238 Lusai Hills, 139 Lyell, 215 Macdonell and Keith, 53, 57, 67, 74, 85 Machiavelli, 1 Madana (God of Love, Cupid), 45 Madanapala, King, 72, 76, 102 ■— Nighantu, 86, 88, 89, 203, 206 49 ; Madaneswar, 98 Madhaipur in Malda, 129 Madhavarama, 9 Madhyadesa, 20, 24, 27, 28, 29, 32, 76, 156, 255, 260 Madhyamika, 55 Madras, 22, 29, 30, 117, 141, 142, 147, 236 — Standard, 171 Madrasis, 26 Madura, 227 Magadhas, 21 Magha, 26 Mahabharata, 9, 10, 21, 23, 26, 55, 56, 84, 86, 117, 125, 190, 201, 219, 222, 223, 228, 235, 237, 260 Mahadeva, 96 Mahanadi (mod. Mahananda), 21, 30, 31, 32, t2g, r5o Maharastra, 7, 21, 31, 32, 76, 156 Maharsi Simha, 75 Mahavastu, 125 I Mahisasura, 5t, 58 Maitra, Akshaya Kumar, 16, 128 ; Maitrayaniya, 10 Maitreyi Upanisad, 290 Majnun, 229 Majumdar, Bijaychandra, 206 Malabar, 19, 97, ri8, 147, 149, 150, 285 Maladri, 98 Malavas, 21 MMavikagnimitra, 54 Malaya, 100, 133, 147, 150, 261 Malda, 25, 30, 128, 129 Malda, District Council of National Education, 128, 197, 200 Mallinatha, 202, 236, 239, 240 Malphighi, 214 Malwa, 6, 12, 72, 76, 150, 158, 159, 160, 175, 280, 285 Manasollasa, 73 Manava Dharma Sastra, 57 Manavokta Dharma, 10 Mandasore, 285 Manikchand, 25 Manimala, 66 Manimekhalai, 78 Mani-pariksa, 66, 73 Manipur, 138 Manjuvac, 31 Mantras, 53 Manu, 9, 10, 11, 80, 102, 180, 187, 227, 257, 261 — Samhita, 2, 3, 9, 23, 32, 33 Maratha, 194 Marathas, 7, 26 Marco Polo, 120 Marichi, 10 Markandeya Purana, 31 Mars, 38, 90, 113, 122 Marshall, Prof., 105 Martaban, 125 Maruts, 217 Marwar, 150 Mathana Simha, 72, 76 Matsya Purana, 31, 75 Mauryas, 3, 5, 77, 217, 243 Mazumdar, B. C., 74 Medea, 23 Medhatithi, 213 Medini, 194 Medlicott, gS Megasthenes, 78, 119, 120, 184, 187, 218, 279 Meghaduta, 159, 160 Mehta, Dr. Sumant B., 206 Menander, 55 Mercury, 38, go, 113 Meru, 261 Merz, 208 Mesopotamia, 184, 186 Metrodorus, igo Meyen, 145 Midnapur, 261 Mill, John Stuart, 61 Milton, 203, 241 Mimamsd, 11, 261 Minbu, 132 Mitaksara, g, 2gg, 300 Mitra (god), 85 — Dr. Rajendralal, 12, 23, 24, 26, 53, 65, 6g, 113, 217, 224, 236, 23g, 261 Mitramisra, 2g4, 300 Mlechchhadesa, 120 Mlechchhas, 4g, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, g8, 181 Moghuls, 14, 284, 288 Mohl, Hugo Von, igr Mongolia, 24 Montesquieu, 45, 60, 63, 74 Mookerji, N. G., rg6 — Prof. Radhakumud, 8, g, 2g, 7g, 187, 2og, 213, 262 — Radhakamal, 225 — T. N., ig6 Moon, 38, 3g, 40, 41, go, 113 Moors, 125 Moorshidabad, 66 More, Sir Thomas, 2, 80 Mrichchhakati, 103 Muhammad Ghori, 5 Muktavali, 73 Muktinatha, 30 Muller, Johann, 215 — Max, 74 Murray, 305 Musa, igo Mussalmans, 5, 7, 25, 53, 232, 2?>g Muziris, 84, 253 Mysore, 21, 2g, 150, 280 — Maharaja of, 236 Nachiketa, 11 Nagaloka, 222 Nagarjuna, 70, 72, 75, 87 Nagas, 222 Nagore, 288 Nagpur, 23g Nahapana, 213 Naimi^a, 222 Nakula, 235, 238, 23g, 240, 241, 242, 266, 268, 305 Nala, 235 Naladri, gg Nalanda, 24 Nalaraja, 23g, 240 Namuchi, 51 Nanaka, 71, 212 Nanakara, 240 Nanda Pandita, 2g4, 2g5 Nandini, 223 Nandi Sutra, g Narada, 10 Narahari Dasa, 107 — Pandit, 72, 76, 156, igg Naraindajee, ig6 Narasimhavarman, Pallava, 32 Narasinhiya Prayoga-parijata, 23 Nftrayana Pala, 33 Narayana Risi, 30, 2ig, 2g6 Narbada, 21, 27, 32 Narmada, 31, 32, 126, i5g Nasika, 21, 31 Nataraja, 102 Naushirwan, 221 Navadvipa, or Nadia (Chaitanya), 107, i2g Nayagarh, 226 Nearchus, 186 Nellore, g8 Nepal, 6, 25, 57, g8, 100, 133, 137, 138, i3g, 233 Nerwar, 285 Netherlands, 206 Newton, 210, 211, 212 Nidanakara, 240 Nighantu, 72, 76 Nihon-ko-ki, 187 Nile, 35 Nilgiri Hills, 141 Nimar, 280 Nirnayasindhu, 23 Nirukta, 80 Nisumbha, 51 Nitiprakasika, g Niti Sastras, 1, 7, g, 11, 12, 13, 18, ig, 38, 52, 63, igo, 272 — Niti-Vakyamrita, g Nityanatha, 72 Nyaya, 11 Nyayabhusana, Pandit Kunja Vihari, 237 Oceana, Harrington’s, 2 Oldenberg, 1 Oldham, 100 Olympiodorus, go Ophir, g7 Oppert, Gustavus, 22, 31, 6g, isg, 176, 236, 23g, 240 Orangal, 4 Oriental Research Institute, 207 Orion, 217 Orissa, 21, 25, 65, gg, 113, 132, 137, i3g, 141, 150, i7g, 225, 285 Orpheus, igo O’Shaughnessy, 207 Oudh, 134, 236, 23g, 240 Oxford, 240 ' Pachmarhi, 132, 137 Pacific Ocean, 142 Padma Purana, 31 ! Pahari, 22g Paithinasi, 10 Palakapya, 235, 236, 237, 238, 242, 243, 281, 287 Palas, 4, 5, 6, 7, 17, 6g, 70, 102, 128 Palit, Haridasa, 25, 70 — Sir Tarak Nath, 207 Pallavas, 4, 32, 54, 55 Panchajana, 285 Panchalas, 21 Panchasiddhantika, m Penchatantra, g, 78, 2ig, 220, 221 Pandua, 30, 128, I2g, I3g Pandya (mod. Madura), 3, 2g, 32 Pandyavataka, 118 Panini, 6g, 80, 153, igo, 261 Panini Office, 2ig Paochu (Ceylon), 2g Papeye, 271 Paracelsus, 102 Paralaukika, 118 Parasara, g, 10, 13, 21, 23, 230 Para^ara Samhita, 107 Parasika, 21, 159, 271 Paraskara, 11 Pargiter, 74 Paris, 99, 186 Pari&sfas, 10 Parvati, 96, 102 Patala, 222 Pataliputra, 161, 213, 243 Patanjali, 54, 55 Patimokkha, 2 Pattinappali, 246 Pattison, Mark, 241 Paulastya, 52 Pavakadri, 96, 98 Pegu Yoma, 132 Penner, 117 Pepper, John Henry, 101 Periplus, 69, 84, 101, 125, 167, 187, 188, 213, 253, 271 Perran Aditan, 170 Persia, 23, 108, 118, 133, 184 Persian Gulf, 187 Pertabgarh, 138 Peshawar, 131 Peshwas, 7 Peterson, Peter, 221, 237, 239, 240 Phalana, 130, 157, 164 Philostratus of Lemnos, 69 Phiringis (Portuguese and other Europeans), 71, 72, 98 Phoenicians, 100 Pidari, 188 Pilpay, 221 Piprahwa, 127 Pis&chas, 49, 51, 52, 57 Pitamaha, 10 Piyadasi, 217 Plato, 1, 51 Pliny, 36, 97, 119, 124, 125, 190, 218 Poona, 237, 238 Porus, 69 Prachetas, 10 Prachya, 285 Pragjyotisa, 159 Prajapati, 10, 11 Prasangaratnavall, 9 Prejvalski, 244 Priestley, 191 Puhar, 271 Pulaha, 11, 30 Pulastya, 11 Pulikesin II., 32 Pulindas, 54 Pundras, 21, 54 Punjab, 21, 27, 28, 33, 58, 76, 133, 134, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 151, 155, 160, 161, 219, 271 Puranas, 9, 10, 11, 21, 27, 64, 70, 71, 74, no, 112, 190, 210, 261, 294, 298 Purvadevas, 49, 51, 52 Pushan, 223 Pushana, 217 Pushyamitra, 54 Radhakrishna, Pandit, 236, 239, 240 Raffles, Sir Stamford, 8 Raga-Mala, 229 Raghava, 37, 48, 250 — Bhatta, 199, 206 Raghu, 57, 107 Raghuvamsam, 9, 18, 41, 159, 160, 202, 228 Rahu, 38, in, 113, 115, 122 ] Rajamahendri, 32 Rajanighantu, 72, 73, 76, 8g, 114, 115, 199, 201, 204, 1 205, 295 Rajapuri, 33 Rajaraja the Great, 4 Rajasthan, 101 | Rajendra Chola, 4, 5 Rajendralal, 80, 84, 103, 124, 179, 213, 260, 261 Rajmahal, 121 Rajputana, 21, 27, 28, 76, 77, 90, 91, 98, 101, 136, 138, 140, 150, 151, 152, 229, 249 Rajputs, 5, 6 Rajsahi, 128 Raj Tarangigi, 18, 33, 52 Raksas, 57, 58 Raksasas, 49, 52, 57, 58 Raktavija, 51 Rama, 162, 222, 228, 245, 261 — Dasa, 9 Ramai Pandit, 25, 26 Ramakrisna Paramahamsa, 212 Ramamohana, 212 Ramaprasada, 212 Ramayana, 9, 10, 23, 26, 159, 190, 219, 235, 245, 261, 271 Ramchandra, 102 Ramgarh, 226 ; Ranade, Mr. Justice, 7, 196 Rangpur Sahitya Parisat, 128 Rao, Devvan Bahadur R. Raghunath, 171 Rasahridaya, 71, 87 Rasakalpa, 71, 87 Rasanaksatramalika, 72 Rasapradipa, 72 Rasaprakasasudhakara, 71, 87 Rasarajalaksmi, 72 Rasaratnakara, 70, 72, 75, 87 Rasaratna Samuchchaya, 72, 76, 87, no, 113, 114 Rasarnava, 70, 87 Rasa Sara, 71 Rasendra Chudamani, 71, 72 ! Rastrakutas, 4 Ratan, Gobind, 226 Ratnadwipa (Ceylon), 29 Ratnakara, 10 Ratnapariksa, 73, 105 Ratna Samgraha, 66, 73, 75, 120, 121 Ravana, 51, 245 Ravi, 132, 137, 140, 152 Ray, Dr. Prafulla Chandra, 66, 67, 69, 71, 86, 89, go, 210, 211, 212, 213 — Prof. Yoges Chandra, 66, 67, 73, 90, 105, 121 Raz, Ram, 213, 224 Renaissance, 192 Republic, Plato’s, 2 Reybary, 288 Ribhus, 84 Rig Veda, 57, 58, 73, 84, 85, 109, 202, 217 Risabha, 267 Risi Mandala Prakaranavritti, 9 Risya Sringa, 10, n Rohilkhand, 149 Rohtas, 285 Romaharsana, 11 Romans, 84 Romapada, King, 238 Rome, 36, 187 Roscoe and Schorlemner, 68 Rousseau, 60 Routledge, 212 Roysan, 285 Roxburgh, 195 Rudra, 26, 67 Rudra-agnis, 26 Ruijukokushi, 187 Ruma (Constantinople), 72, 98, 101 Ruttenpoor, 285 Saharanpur, 131 Sahitya Sabha, 232 Saindhava, 271 Saindhavas, 21 Sakalas, 21 Sakas, 55, 213 Saketa, 55 Salagrama, 30 Salihotra, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241 Sambalpur, 21 Samudragupta the Vikramaditya, 5, 107 Samvarta, 9, 10 Sanat Kumara, 11 Sanchi, 80, 228 Sanderson, 283, 284 Sankalpasuryyodaya, 9 Sankha, 9, 10 Sanku,107 Santiparva, 237 Sanvatya, 261 Sapta Gandaki, 30 Saracens, 186 Saranath, 127 Sarangadhara, 76, 90, 199, 206, 239 Sarangadharapaddhati, 236, 239 Sarangadhara Samgraha, 72, 88, 89, 90 Saraswati, 2r, 32, 154, 291 Sariram, 294, 300 Sarira Padmini, 294 Sastri, Hrishi Kesha, 240 — Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad, 24, 25, 237, 240 Satadru, 11 Satakarni II., 213 Satapatha Brahmana, 56, 85, 295, 296 Satatapa, g, 10 Sat-Chakra Nirupanam, 290 Satgong, 285 Satpura Hills, 131, 132, 140 Saturn, 38, 43, 90, 113, 121, 128 Satyaputra, 3 Satyavrata, 11 Sauradharma, 10 Saurastra, 118 Saurastras, 21 Sauvira, 271 Sauviras, 21 Savaraswami, 261 Savitar, 154 Sayana, 54 Sayce, Prof. A. H., 187 Schoff, 69, 101, 125, 187, 213 Schwann, 2x4 Scythians, 261 Seal, Dr. Brajendranath, 62, 79, 206, 241, 296 Seinkaw, Taw, 125 Seleucus, 213 Sen, Dineschandra, 25 — Dr. Gananath, 199, 206, 232 — Kaviraja Binodlal, 234 — Dr. Ramadasa, 66, 73, 89, 95, 159, 176 Senani, 243 Serampore, 145 Sesa, 222, 223 Seth, Radhes Chandra, 128 Shabaras, 54 Shahabad, 285 Shah Pussend, 288 Shakas, 54 Shakespeare, 19 Sheriff, Moodeen, 196 Shiva Samhita, 28g, 290, 291, 292, 293 Siam, 143 Sicily, 1 Siddhanta Dipika, 171 Siddhartha, 226 Siddhayoga, 70 Sidgwick, Prof., 61 Sikkim, 131, 132, 133, 137, 142 Silappadhi-Karam, 78 Silpasastras, 106 Simhala (Ceylon), 28, 37 Simhalas, 54 Simhasana-dwatrimsati, 219 Sindh, 21, 27, 68, 76, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 150 151, 160, 161, 239, 288 Sindhu (Indus), 54, 96, 122, 271 Singhalese, 124 Singhbhum, 98, 133, 139, 140 Sirgetchch, 285 Siva, 11, 12, 25, 78, 102, 222, 223 Sivadatta, Pandit, 237, 281 Siva-Dharma, 10 Sivaji, 9, 259 Siva Purana, 11 Smith, Adam, 45 — Vincent, 4, 26, 69, 84, 102, 127, 179, 224, 225 226, 227 Solomon, g7, igo Somadeva, 71, 219 Son, 30 Sone, 117 Sophir, 271 Spence, 215 Spencer, Herbert, 211, 215 Sprengel, 190, 215 Srihari Kota, 132 Sripati, 75, 112, 113, 114, 115 Steel and Temple, 219 Stein, 9, 18, 33, 52, 240 Stokes, 219 Strabo, 78, 184, 186, 218 Strasburger, 203 Sudraka, 82, 103 Suhanu Jataka, 262 Sukasaptati, 219 Sukhabodha, 89 Sukra (god), 268 Sukraniti Sara, 22 Sulapani, 294 Sulvas, 21 Sumantu, 10 Sumbha, 51 Sun, 38, 39, 40, 90, 113, 217 Sundariban, 140 Sunderbans, 152 Sun God, 128, 188, 222 Suntwass, 285 Sunya Purana, Suparna, 222 Suras, 21 Surastra (Guzrat), 285 Susruta, 23, 68, 70, 73, 76, 86, 100, 109, no, 122 198, 205, 206, 213, 232, 233, 294, 295, 296, 297 Susruta Samhita, 68, no, 294 Sutlej, 21, 134, 139 Swarga, 223 Swynnerton, 219 Sylhet, 150 Syracuse, 1 Tagore, Gaganendranath, 229 Tagore, Raja Sir Saurindramohan, 66, 73 Tahresir, 28S Taikkala, 125 Taitala, 271 Taittiriya Samhita, 57 Tajika, 271 Taksaka, 222 Tamraparni, 118 Tandulanali Jataka, 262 Tanjore, 102, 229, 236, 237, 239 Tantras, 27, 70, 71, 190, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 3°o Taprobane (Ceylon), 78 Tapti, 31 Tarshish, 97 Tatah, 288 Tavernier, 97, 117 Taxila, 69 Telingana, 21 Temple, 219 Tenasserim, 132 Tennent, 124 Terai, 131 Thaneswar, 21 Theophrastus, 178, 189, ig2, 193 Theosophist, 290 Thurston, Edgar, 30 Tibet, 6, 24, 30, 289 Tilak, Bill Gangadhara, 217 Tinnevelly, 1x9 Tippera, 150, 285 Tista, 139 Tod, Colonel, 101 Tori, 229, 249 Travancore, 21, 134, 137 Tribeni Ghat, 30 Tripura, 100 Troy Cart of Sudraka, 82 Tryamvaka, 99, 100 Tubingen, 294, 300 Tukarama, 71, 212 Tukharas, 261 Turan, 288 Turangaghosa, 239 Turaska, 271 Turkey, 120 Tuticorin, 119, 139 Tvashta, 84 UchchaIsravas, 223 Udayagiri, 225 Udaychand, 213 Udepur, 101 Ujjayini, 156, 157, 158, 159, 174, 268 Ulwar, Maharaja of, 237, 240 United States of America, 187 Upavanavinoda, 199, 206 Uriyas, 179, 224, 261 Usanas (Sukra), 1, 9, 10, 11 Utkalas, 5 Utopia, 2, 80 Utpalaparimala, 9 Uttararama-charita, 23 Uttaratantra, 294 Uttar Gita, 290 Vagbhata, 70, 76, 156, 294, 295, 297 Vahada, 239, 240 Vaidya, C. V., 54, 55, 56, 57 Vaidyanatha, 294 Vaijayanti, 294 Vaisali, 30 Vaisampayana-niti, 9 Vajasaneyi Samhita, 85 Vakpati, 10 ' Valmiki, 153, 228, 261, 271 Vanaspati, 206 Vanayu, 271 Vangaladesam, 4 Vangalas, 5 Vangas, 55 Varahamihira (Varaha), 21, 31, 74, 87, 8g, 90, 107, 108, no, in, 114, 130, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 230, 267, 268, 281, 283, 296 Varaha Purana, 31 Vararuchi, 107 Vardhanas, 5 Varendra Research Society in Rajsahi, 4, 128 Varta, 180 Varuna, 38, 85, 112 Vasistha, 9, 10, 12, 54 Vasu, Nagendranath, 24, 25, 107 — Sris Chandra, 9, 2x9 Vasuki, 222 Vatapi, 51 Vatsa, 11 Vayaviya Samhita, 11 Vayu, 38 —• Purana, 31 Vedangas, 1 Vedantavagisa, Pandit Kalivara, 73 1 Vedas, 1, 20, 23, 38, 4g, 53, 54, 68, 109, 210, 223 Vedasiras, 31 ] Venetians, 125 Venice, 227 Venus, 38, go, 113, 128 Verrochio, 227 Vetalabhatta, 107 Vetala-panchavimsati, 219 Vetravati (Betwa), 159 Videha, 296 Vidisa (Bhilsa), 159 Vidura-niti, 9 Vidyapati, 203 Vidyasagara, 212 Vijaya, 29 Vijayanagara, 7, 71, 72, 76, 102 Vijnaneswara, 294, 299, 300 Vikrama, 240 Vikramaditya, 12, 107, 117, 158, 174, 213, 219 Vikramsila, 24 Vindhya, 5, 31, 32, 99, 128, 150, 159, 160, 261 Virasena, 236, 238 Virgil, 192, 215 Virudha, 206 Visnu, 30, 31, 112, 128, 188, 217, 222, 223, 249 Visnudeva, 72, 76 Visnu-Dharma, 9, 10 Visnudharmottarapurana, 75, 112, 113, 114, 294, 299 Visnu Purana, 11, 21, 33, 261 — Sarma, 219, 221 — Smriti, 299 Viswakosa, 107 Viswamitra, 10, 11, 54, 154 Vitapala, 5, 102 Vitasta, 33 Vratakhanda, 236, 239 Vriddha-Manu, 10 Vriddha-Sdtdtapa, 10 Vriddha-Vasistha, xo Vrijis, 30 Vriksa, 206 Vrinda, 76 Vritra, 51 Vulcan, 84 Vyadi, 76 Vyaghra, 11 Vyasa, 9, 10, 11 Wallace, 215 Waring, Dr., 195, 207 Watt, Sir George, 100, 180, 184, 225, 226 Weber, 74, 239 Welsh, 53 Whitney, 211 Wilkins, Charles, 22t Wilkinson, 187 William the Conqueror, 4 Williams, Prof. Sir Monier, 291 Wilson, 82, X2i Wise, Dr., 72, 197, 233, 297 Yadavas, 4 Yajiiavalkya, g, 10, 294, 296, 299, 300 — Dharma Sastra, 299 — Smriti, 9 Yajurveda, 73, 86, 125 Yama (God of Death), 20, 223 — Smriti, 9, 10, 38, 112, 216 Yamuna, 223, 226, 253, 291 Yarkand, 244 Yaska, 80 Yasodhara, 71 Yavanas, 20, 21, 22, 23, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 75- 84 Yogamuktavali, 300 Yogi-Yajnyavalkya, 10 Yuan Chaung (Hiuen Tsang), 24 Yub, 125 Yudhisthira, 74, 228, 260 Yuktikalpataru, 9, 12, 13, 20, 73, 75, 84, 122, 225, 261, 285, 287 Zend Avesta, 58 54. 55. 56, 113, 118, ABERDEEN: THE UNIVERSITY PRESS